Showing posts with label Toúījāb Kīkxot. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Toúījāb Kīkxot. Show all posts

Thursday, February 10, 2022

Military basic

 Another reddit post saved here for posterity. Most of it is quotes from my caste post, I'll only copy the new stuff over:


So basically, the basic military structure is officers who were born into the profession (but not rank/command, which is granted by a political leader) heavily supplemented by mercenaries, professionals who weren't born with the right to be an (official) military leader, and conscripts when needed.

Anyway, let's go more in-depth, both in sociology and linguistics. First is the root SRS itself, which deals with conflict and fighting Srīsu ends up meaning "fighter, one who is prone to conflict" and is a generic word for a professional warrior. It is also one of the main components of many military related compounds, like srīsuzō kdīhuzōt "horseman, someone who fights on horseback" (literally "riding fighter") or srīsuzō āwībthzōt "guardian, blood knight, protector by force" (lit. "protecting warrior"). Many times though, people will simply be referred to by their role/weapon like pmīfuzō "spearman" or thtūzōzō "archer". A scout would be a zhilaqzō (lit. "one who walks quietly, stalker").

The generic word for a commander (of any size unit or of a ship) is phruyāzō "commander" but in practice it usually refers to someone who isn't coordinating multiple officers, only regular soldiers. Higher ranks could come from compounds like phruyāzo únukhāzōt "general" (lit. "unifying commander") or from other roots such as jqunāzō "strategist, planner, general" (JQN relates to plans and schemes). There's also mīcphoāb phīmpot ("father's mind") which is mostly a poetic word referring to the warrior caste itself but can also poetically refer to the top general of a high king (when one of those manages to establish himself).

Saturday, November 13, 2021

Names and Introductions

 Just copying a reddit post here to preserve it. I really need to do better about differentiating the dialects, though I guess these prompts didn't really give much room to showcase some of the more unique features.


For Toúījāb Kīkxot:

Ustū ūíick Kōzurīkkab ūmpa ūwiny līúan íāpī. Ustū pmīfuzō ocāk nphuvatū īn rxību. Ūtiúj toúījāb kīkxot

[ʊstu: ʔu:jɪts ko:tʃʊri:kǝ vu:mpǝ u:ɹɪn li:wǝn jɑ:fi: ʊstu:p mi:ħʊtʃ ōtsɑ:k ŋəp'ʊʕǝθu: wi:n rǝʃi:vʊ u:θi:dz dɔwi:dzɑ:b ki:kʃɔt]

Ustū ūíick     Kōzur-īkkab ūmpa   ūwiny     līúan  íāpī. Ustū pmīfu  -zō ocāk   nphuva-tū   īn  rxību.  Ūtiúj toúīj   -āb  kīkxo-t
1S.N have_name bird -shine and.SS have_year twenty four. 1S.N spearer-M  and.DS caste -1S.N DEF hunter. speak language-CMP god  -CMP.

"My name is Kōzurīkkab and I am 24. I am a spearman of the hunter clan. I speak Toúījāb Kīkxot"

Key thing that isn't clear from the translation is that being a spearman in the hunter clan is very low status (relative to other hunters and to other soldiers) because it's technically working out of caste. I used neutral pronouns here.

This is a fun little prompt, I might do more when I get home tonight (in other languages and in dialects).

e:

The above was the standard dialect, but let's meet someone from the coast [the next few are close enough grammatically that I'm not going to gloss unless asked].

Stū ūíezk Xōwokpot ūmp ūwen līúan rāv. Baberm xīpltū qal lōbop dagnatmā. Īw ūpegd ges xīpltū úethl nphavmā. Ūteúj túījāb kīkxat

[stu: ʔu:jɛtʃ kʃo:ɹɔkpɔt u:m pu:ɹɛn li:wǝn ra:ʕ bǝbɛrm ʃi:pl̩tu: ɢǝl lo:bop dǝgnǝtma: i: ɹu:pɛgd gɛs ʃi:pl̩tu: wɛtˤɫ nǝpˤǝʕma: u:tɛwdʒ dwi:dʒa:b ki:kʃǝt]

"My name is Xōwokpot and I am 35 years old. I help my husband in his shop. We are rich but my husband complains about his clan. I (we) speak Toúījāb Kīkxot"


Up near the mountains, we meet a young boy.

Yån uíeck Win umpa uwen xayu. Wawibuth kobuk gundåy dichhåhån. Saxo monak lepha usapåpúågad ages lepha usapåkúobuk. Yån utejetúåúijåb kikxåt tíåúijåb viggå kmurutxíub

[hɑn ujets kɹin umpǝ uɹen ʃǝhu ɹǝɹivut' kovu gundɑh dits'ɑʔɑn sǝʃo monǝk lep'ǝ usǝfɑpwɑɣǝ ðǝɣes lep'ǝ usǝfɑkwovuk hɑn uθedzetwɑwidzɑb kikʃɑ tjɑwidzɑb ʕigɑ kŋurutɕub]

"My name is Win and I am 11 years old. I watch sheep with my brothers. We don't have much money but we have lots of sheep. I speak Toúījāb Kīkxot and I speak the Mountain People's language (Toúījāb Vīggo Kmūrit) too"

Asking him to say the same thing but in Toúījāb Vīggo Kmūrit/ Towwu pũ saho

Rĩ ãnã hã pũ yiko. Hã pũ rãnã sahu. Hã võ hã pũ viukka e xa’u mõ feode ũppõ. Saho pũ paga issẽ age saho pũ xa’u reinõ. Hã go towisa kiso võ towwu pũ saho bilau towwu

[ɾĩ ʔɑ̃nɑ̃ hɑ̃ pũ jiko hɑ̃ pũ ɾɑ̃nɑ̃ sɑhu hɑ̃ xʷõ hɑ̃ pũ xʷiuk:ɑ ʔe xɑʔu mõ ɸeode ʔũp:õ sɑho pũ pɑgɑ ʔis:ẽ ʔɑge sɑho pũ xɑʔu ɾeinõ hɑ̃ go towisɑ kiso xʷõ tow:u pũ sɑho bilaw tow:u]

Rĩ  ãnã hã pũ  yiko. Hã pũ  rãnã sahu. Hã võ  hã pũ  viukka        e      xa’u  mõ  feode ũppõ. 
Win COP 1S GEN name. 1S GEN year 11.   1S and 1S GEN older_brother D.R/NR sheep HAB BENE  watch.
Saho pũ  paga  issẽ  age saho pũ  xa’u  reinõ. Hã go    towisa  kiso   võ  towwu pũ saho bilau towwu
1P   GEN money small but 1P   GEN sheep big.   1S D.R/R Toúījāb Kīkxot and Towwu pũ saho can   speak

"Rin is my name. My years are eleven. My brothers and I watch over sheep. We don't have much money but we have a lot of sheep. I can speak Toúījāb Kīkxot and Towwu pũ saho."


An old man sits on the docks in the Central Islands

Yān ūíesk Osīlīkī ages rīnkoān íeska yān Māyíūs. Ūren kas līúan teya. Sbīmuzō yān, uynasū sbīmuzō pīhmoān. Īn rōsus olsúīg makāyntah umkahū, osūmah sub. Tūtīs toúīsāb kīksot gundāy nesap ages ūserl ūtīs toúīsāb sbīmut het toúīs pīhmotān

[hä:n u:jesk ɔsi:li:ki: ǝges ri:nkɔä:n jeskǝ hä:n mä:hju:s u:ren kas li:wǝn tehǝ sbi:mʉco: yä:n ʉhnǝsu:s bi:mʉco: pi:ʔmɔä:n i:n ro:sʉs ɔlswi:g mǝkä:hn̩tǝʔ ʉmkǝʔu: ɔsu:mǝʔ sʉb Tu:ti:s tɔwi:sä:b ki:ksɔt gʉndä:h nesǝp ǝges u:ser lu:ti:s tɔwi:sä:b sbi:mʉt het tɔwi:s pi:ʔmɔtä:n]

Yān  ūíesk     Osīl  -ī  -kī  ages rīnko -ān íeska yān Māyíūs. Ūren       kas līúan  teya.   Sbīmu -zō  yān, uynasū  sbīmu -zō  pīhmo -ān.
1S.N have_name gather-BEN-God but  friend-1S call  1S thinker. have_years two twenty twelve. fisher-man 1S,  equally fisher-man father-1S.
Īn  rōsus ol<s>úīg   makāyntah umkahū, osūmah    sub. T~  ūtīs  toúīs   -āb  kīkso-t   gundāy nesap     ages ūserl ūtīs  toúīs   -āb  sbīmu -t   het toúīs    pīhmo -t  -ān
DEF frog  <DEF>treat locals    evilly, believers too. HAB~speak language-CMP god  -CMP with   travelers but  like  speak language-CMP fisher-CMP REL language father-CMP-1S

"My name is Osīlīkī but my friends call me Māyíūs. I am 52 years old. I am a fisherman, like my father. The soldiers don't treat locals well, even believers. I speak Toúījāb Kīkxot with travelers, but prefer to speak Toúījāb Sbīmut, which is my native language."

And now in his native tongue, Knǝnʔtǝǝʔ

Mã plɛ̃g Osiiliikii dǝd nköm mã splɛ̃g Mäyũs. Mã lɨlããp kǝs liiwǝn tehǝ lrããp. Mã mǝmusäyäw, mǝmusäyäw tdɔ̈b mã. Hrëëy jɛt hǝhcɨ̃t mkäntǝǝʔ, kikiiso ʔǝk. Mã kntəəʔ knənʔtəəʔ kiiso thiʔ mäwãy, dǝd mã mwɔɔt knənʔtəəʔ kbǝ tdɔ̈b

[ma̰plɛ̰ŋ̥ osi:li:ki: ɗǝd̥̚ n̩ko̤m̥ ma̰splɛ̰ŋ̥ ma̤jṵs ma̰lɨla̰ˀa̰p̚ kǝs li:wǝn̥ tehǝ l̩ɾa̰ˀa̰p̚ ma̰mǝmusa̤ja̤w ma̰mǝmusa̤ja̤w tɗɔ̤b̥̚ ma̰ʔ hɾe̤:j ɲɛt̚ hǝhcɨ̰t̚ m̩ka̤ntǝ:ʔ kiki:so ʔǝk̚ ma̰kn̩tǝ:ʔ knǝnʔtǝ:ʔ ki:so tʰiʔ ma̤wa̰y ɗǝd̥̚ ma̰mwɔ:t̚ knǝnʔtǝ:ʔ kɓǝ tɗɔ̤b̥̚]

Mã=plɛ̃g      Osiiliikii dǝd nköm   mã=s-   plɛ̃g      Mä-yũs.   Mã=lɨ- lããp     kǝs_liiwǝn_tehǝ l<r>ããp.
1S=have_name Osiiliikii but friend 1S=CAUS-have_name AG-think. 1S=PRG-grow_old fifty_two       <INST>year.
Mã=m- <mw> <ä> <y>   säw,  <mw> msäyäw tdɔ̈b   mã. Hrëëy jɛt hǝ~hcɨ̃t    m-<ä>kntǝǝʔ,  ki~ kiiso ʔǝk.
1S=AG-<RFL><AG><CAPT>fish, <RFL>fisher father 1S. Frog  NEG PL~respect AG-<AG>speak, DIM~Kikxo too.
Mã=kntəəʔ <nʔ> kntəəʔ kiiso thiʔ mä-wãy, dǝd mã mwɔɔt knənʔtəəʔ kbǝ tdɔ̈b
1S=speak  <NOM>speak  Kikxo for  AG-go,  but 1S like  language  GEN father

"My name is Osiiliikii, but my friends call me Mäyũs. I am 52 years old. I am a fisherman, like my father. The frogs don't respect us Mkäntǝǝʔ, even followers of Kīkxo. I speak Toúījāb Kīkxot with foreigners, but I like my father's tongue."

 

Monday, November 1, 2021

88 lines about 44 Demons

A little Halloween special, let's learn about some of the demons (omūkaq) and monster the kikxotians believe in. A lot might be presented in more informal ways (only the second part of a reduplication for example, or using back reduplication to represent full reduplication). This isn't meant to represent a specific dialect (though some are regional monsters), it's to fit the semi-poetry of the piece. With all apologies to the Nails

  1. Vcūpa comes out the swamp to play; his stench makes me want to cry
  2. Olūgaw looks mighty nice but her teeth are no lie.
  3. Lālīwl feast till the sun comes up and starve throughout the day
  4. Yyīpu get you what you want, but you'll never be able to pay.
  5. Mrisu has an unnerving smile, with gifts that trap your soul
  6. Gdīku is much simpler, he'll just eat you whole.
  7. Dōkhol īkkabat looks pretty from a distance; but he'll steer you wrong
  8. Jarif cannot be seen, as you flee her mournful song.
  9. Pjūpō nimasat may be dead; you'd never know as you're chased
  10. Āginx āpijpat is a stout old chap; you must flee in haste.
  11. Rokāmr seems mighty harmless, as he sucks you in
  12. Ovūmac won't give you the time, not even when you sin.
  13. Lvutā mwomit is looking for a student, but her advice isn't prudent
  14. Olūvat puthlūt needs a teacher, but he's most impudent.
  15. Fqilu sees without eyes, his nose ensure you can't hide
  16. Wyīúu mkoqit approaches in confidence, a presence you mustn't abide.
  17. Omūlad bōmāshat is another sultry soul, she watches as you sleep
  18. Cuwphīcu is sailors' bane foremost, and drags slow ships into the deep.
  19. Tikat looks like a massive bat, from above he cracks your skull
  20. Zhimar stalks from underground, your bones won't make his teeth dull.
  21. Knupi takes things that are not his, gold is his bread and butter  
  22. Āruyt tībilat prefers your blood a la carte, as it flows into the gutter.
  23. Wixax can't move fast, so the trees are his base
  24. Shotūr will never move at all, yet you must beware his embrace.
  25. Thavdo literally cannot be described, an agony you can't survive
  26. Twuwi seems to be a peaceful field, until your footsteps turn it alive.
  27. Ksuphā is just a shadow, her presence wrecks your mind
  28. Sōfok úyukāt is a sickly light, stare too long to go blind.
  29. Zōtod cpuwāt teaches one thing: not every book is an ally
  30. Awābth must not be trusted, for he's the dark one's spy.
  31. Xsīmu īípachat walks in silence, as he sucks your life
  32. Tbīlu tdocit stays quiet too, but she prefers to use a knife.
  33. Khāpas rxībut is slow and meaty; hunt it and meet your doom
  34. Brumā thāxakhat moves you fast, in her hand your life shall zoom.
  35. Wxurā fōdāíat seeks his court, his words are little snares
  36. Rqīnu āxudcat wants your pity, never trust his wares.
  37. Karol preys on those with heart, your mercy shall be your end
  38. Khāmfukhā prays for those alone, his companionship is pretend.
  39. Fapōmuf has a fearsome sting, the pain will never leave
  40. Laíōpul lies in wait, to feed on those that grieve.
  41. Hnibu hunts in plain sight, his traps are travelers' rests,
  42. Smufā catches those who are tired, you'll wake up as he digests.
  43. Qcilu lives in dark caves, he makes our tunnels fall
  44. Khluzā, cursed be his name; he's the king of them all.

This of course is a small sampling of the demons in their world. Some are pretty normal to our sense of monsters, like the Pjūpō nimasat (lit. running corpse) which is basically just a revenant or the Omūlad bōmāshat (forbidden beauty) which is a classic ghost lady like a kuntilanak. Others aren't so much monsters in the way we think of them so much as archetypes of corrupted people, like the Hnibu (so-called builder) who kills people in collapsing buildings, the Āginx āpijpat (killing grinder) who is basically just a serial killer who disposes of the bodies by turning them into flour or the Ovūmac (self-centered person), an eerily beautiful spirit who encourages you to give up everything for nothing in return. Some are very animalistic like the bat-like Tikat (thing which descend from the sky) or the stinging bug Fapōmuf (great wasp). Some are actually more like cursed objects like Zōtod cpuwāt (devouring ink/the devil's ink) which grant wishes at the cost of your life or Rokāmr (great heap) which is a pile of stuff that eats people. And then there's the eldritch ones, like the Thavdo (flattening) which somehow forces people into 2-dimensions, the Twuwi (so called snowfield), which is a field of snow that eats people, or the Ksuphā (thing that makes others uncomfortable) which is a presence or being that drives people crazy.

Wednesday, September 1, 2021

More on TbKt dialects

 Just a couple notes, as inspired by a reddit post.


  • The islands dialect probably doesn't maintain the symmetrical voice system. Instead, it is strictly actor oriented at all times, much like its substrate languages. However the undergoer infix remains in a number of contexts. First of all, it is often used when the undergoer is relevant to the discourse, basically acting as a definiteness marker for undergoers. I haven't decided if this will include subordinate clauses or only happen in main clauses. It might be the case where it works as a definiteness marker in main clauses, but as a relative marker when the head is an object.
  • Other as of yet unused dialects include the Central Plains, the Lower Plains, probably one for the rivers/delta region and maybe some for the Western Plains as it slowly turns into related languages (though these might be better understood as sister languages not descended from Classical Kikxotian). The Central Forest region probably has one as well. Probably either Central Plains or Lower Plains is the prestige dialect and likely one of the two is also the most conservative/closest to Classical Kikxotian. This of course isn't everything but it helps fill in the map and create an actual dialect continuum defined by phonological changes. 
  • I want a dialect that has some consonant mutation. The basic idea is that loss of initial vowels (and final /ǝ/) resulted in a dialect where some class I and IV verbs are distinguished in transitivity only by lenition (and others not at all). Funnily enough (because I knew very little when making my roots 6+ years ago), in class I lenition would represent transitivity while in class IV it would represent intransitivity. My guess is that since class IV is a lot more common than class I, analogy would probably switch them to be the same (except maybe with some heavily used verbs). Not sure how this would interact with the undergoer voice, but if it does then there's also a set of verbs (Class II verbs and some ditransitive verbs) which have a mutation in said voice. For example the root NYK ("ear", I) vs TÚJ ("mouth", I) vs BFW ("hatred", IV):
    • ūniyk -> nīk "to listen"
    • niyka -> nīk "to hear something"
    • ūtiúj -> þīj "to speak"
    • tiúja -> tīj "to eat something
    • ūbifw -> ṿifā "to be afraid"
    • bifwa -> bifā "to hate something"
  • In general, I want to think more about grammar and syntax, not just phonology. Also define things without needing to get too strange, as some of my current dialects are weird (which is why I highlighted them)

e: I'm dumb, lenition marks intransitivity in both classes.


Wednesday, May 26, 2021

The Kikxotian Calendar

This goes way back to the beginning of Toúījāb Kīkxot. I one day I was biking and thinking as one does while biking dozens of kilometers a day in roughly memorized routes. A year can easily be divided into 13 months of 28 days, with one day to spare (most years). That day would probably have special meaning. What about a religion that views that as the day that their God takes a rest. You could have one set of believers that take that to mean that he isn't watching over them that day, removing them from his protection and therefore necessitating staying inside and being quiet. But then there could be a schism of people who saw that day as a gift from the God, a chance to let loose and party (even then I was aware that the concept of the calendar wasn't unique, my focus was on the religion elements, specifically the schism). Well that spiraled into what is TbKt today. Anyway, some key terms:

  • Mīcorū "day"
  • Mcurī "week"
  • Qúutī "month"
  • Wānay "year"

Days and years are the same length as on Earth. The Kikxotians divide the calendar into 14 solar months (which lines up with the 14 Shīyto; this was a recent change when I realized that 13*28=14*26), each named after common activities in them. I do not know what those are yet. The year begins and ends around the winter solstice. I decided on this (rather than spring) because winter is a dreadful time where people need a lot of help, so people need a lot of protection during it. Thus, he wants to be most rested for it, while people don't actually need that help in the booming times post harvest, near the end of his cycle. As far as what happens on this day, that depends on the sect. See, the original prophet said that Kikxo slept on that day but he didn't say what that meant. There was however, an understanding that you should be careful on that day, which turned into staying inside and not doing much of anything except sleep. The great schism happened a few hundred years later (about 1000 years before the "present"), when a new prophet declared that people had misunderstood Kikxo's will. He intended for people to rest like him, but that includes resting from fastidiously keeping every commandment. Many prophets and schisms later have resulted in the current practice which at the extremes is a day of absolute seclusion or a day of public hedonism. It's also apparently a day for sectarian conflict (in this case usually from the traditionalists who take advantage of Kikxo not looking to scare the reformists straight). Oh and leap years get 2 days of this "festival".

The weeks alternate between having 6 or 7 days, leaving each month with 26 days. The "extra" days are treated as minor festival days, where the devout like making extra sacrifices (and some sects even declare that Kikxo takes a nap on these days and acting accordingly). Market days vary based on location. This is an agricultural society, so people work most days and the length of weeks is less important than knowing when festivals (spread across the year) are.

 There are no fixed hours. Instead days are measured according to the relative position of the sun. They start with the morning (xōwok) at sunrise. From about 3 or so hours after sunrise to 3 or so hours after noon it's kīkobū. The late afternoon is lgīsa, which goes until about an hour before sunset. That time till the sky is completely dark is known as amkōq. Finally there is night (sāmaf) which is undivided until the next morning/day. In general, the Kikxotians are not fond of night or darkness, so there's not much nightlife that goes on. People go to bed (assuming it isn't too early) and wake up in the morning. If they wake up, they pray for protection from omūkaq (demons). Sometimes the early hours of night are known as thāxakh winagat (fire time), since it is customary to have a big fire in your house during that time. By analogy, the wee hours before or around dawn can be called thāxakh āwung (ash time), since the fire has mostly burned down by then (and āwung wīnig "ember" is too long). Note that this is one of the few uses of winag for fire, since it normally is the same as ash but obviously that doesn't work here.

So yeah, that's an overview of the Kikxotian calendar, which has since been adopted by their neighbors. Not too complicated, overall.

Friday, May 29, 2020

Kikxotian Proverb, religion and animals

Just linking to a reddit post I did today with a Kikxotian proverb plus a bunch of talk about how animals work.

https://www.reddit.com/r/conlangs/comments/gss3ra/aphorisms_proverbs_and_sayings_22/fs7yzl7/

I'll paste it here too

Toúījāb Kīkxot - Hard mode
Ōmūfakh vit ayyōp phophalgīí ūkītos ūmpa mōnak gaxitpa
[oːmuːħǝk' ʕɪ θǝhoː p'ɔp'ǝlgiː juːxiːθɔ suːmpǝ moːnǝ gːǝʃɪtpǝ]
<ōCūCaC>.MFKh vit <aCCōC>.YYP ~<oCCīC>.Ph<al>GÍ ūkītos ūmpa mōnak <CiCCa>.G<ax>TP
<AGN.IV>apostasy REL <INTRS.II>.night  HAB~<TRNS.II><AGEN>.see two.times CONJ.SS NEG <TRNS.IV><PSS>.blessing
"A silent apostate sees twice and isn't rewarded"

First to explain the proverb. I took the original one to mean that you should focus on one thing at a time lest you complete neither. Well, I admit I twisted that a bit to fit better with Kikxotian society. The essential cultural (and linguistic) details are as follows:

Kikxotian religion is centered on worship of Kikxo. Kīkxo [kiːkʃɔ] is the great protector and anyone who serves him will be protected from evil. The opposite of Kikxo is Khluzā [k'lʊtʃaː] "The Envious One" (or one of his many other names). Khluza is jealous of Kikxo and wants to destroy everything Kikxo has out of spite. Kikxo is more than powerful enough to protect his followers but this is costly and he won't protect someone who doesn't appreciate it. Khluza doesn't protect his followers (why would they need protection? He is the source of evil) but he does "reward" them in this life with the things he has power over. He gives no protection in the afterlife though.

There are many types of followers of Khluza. The word used here literally means apostate, as in someone who rejects Kikxo. Apostates are a type of ōmūkaqzō [oːmuːxǝq'tʃoː], "demon person, follower of Khluza" (the other two main groups there are heretics (ōqūúab [oːq'uːwǝb]), and blasphemers (ōbūvaj [oːvuːʕǝdz])). Ayyōp literally means "to move silently" and has specific reference to night and shadows, which are seen as evil times. In this phrasing, it basically means crypto-, so the final phrase could be translated as "crypto-apostate". While a crypto-apostate's heart might be in the right place (well wrong place but you get what I mean), just silently rejecting Kikxo is not sufficient for Khluza to reward you, since you aren't really undermining anything with your action. It's like slacktivism, but worse.

Ophgīí is a transitive verb. There's no object but it is implied. Since ōmūfakh refers to a human, the phrase should use pihma [pɪʔmǝ]. Using the word which refers to the things an animal sees is a derisive remark, though fitting with the rest of the proverb. The lack of at the end of ōmūfakh makes this even more degrading. Here, the phrasing can basically be interpreted as "someone who is looking in two directions".

Putting all these together, the phrasing basically means "someone who half asses two things gets nothing", which I think gets close enough to the original proverb. Though you could also interpret it as "If you're gonna be bad, be evil" which is not a very wholesome proverb at all.

Now for the questions. Animals are specifically the domain of two (of the four) "clans" in the broader food-producer caste. The herders (wyīúu [ɹiːwʊ] are in charge of taking care of domestic animals, while the hunters (rxību [rǝʃiːvʊ]) deal with wild animals and animal processing. Small scale farmers often have animals like oxen (cōmum [tsoːmʊm]) and horses (kōduh [koːðʊʔ]) that they keep themselves. It's not uncommon to keep ferrets (sōtum [soːθʊm]) or cats (zhōluq [tʃ'oːlʊq']) as mousers. Dogs (rōxub [roːʃʊb]) are also fairly common in rural settings among all groups of people. Otherwise, people outside of those clans don't interact with animals much.

Some animals are quite respected in the culture. Of special note are the bear (gōduk [goːðʊk]), sheep (kōkub [koːxʊb]), and honeybee (dōsur [doːsʊr]), each of which gives their name to one of the broader castes (which can best be thought of as "nobles", "peasants" and "tradesmen" respectively). Some animals like yōyup [hoːhʊp] (flying night creatures, eg. owls and bats) and snakes (wōluf [ɹoːlʊħ]) are feared. In the foothills, seeing a kherū [k'erʷ] ("a kind of eagle", this is a loan from a local language and is given in the mountain dialect) is considered good luck. Similarly, islanders are fond of parakeets (raíīd [rǝjiːd], also a loan word given in dialect). In general, Kikxotians like seeing birds (kōzur [koːtʃʊr]) and they don't consider owls to be birds.

As for nature, the Kikxotians aren't very environmentally conscious. Forests are respected but the average person doesn't enter them, rivers are polluted and marshes are deliberately filled in (marshes are considered bad in their religion). In general, people stick to villages, towns and cultivated fields unless their clan dictates otherwise. The hunter clan is actually considered very suspicious because their duty requires that they spend lots of time in the wilderness. That being said, because of their dislike of the wilderness, Kikxotians are very good and transforming land into something more palatable. This has the double effect (seen as good in their eyes) of disrupting "traditional" structures in their colonies (ātufr [aːθʊħǝr]), making it easier to bring Kikxo's word to new, captive audiences.


While I'm here, I should probably mention the animal name patterns. Basically, sometime between ~2500 years ago (when TbKt broke off from its closest relatives to the west) and ~1500 years ago (when its first literary tradition started), there was a massive shift in animal words. Many animal words, including some of the most common ones, were replaced with epithets. They were attached to various verbs and could basically be translated as "the X one". For example, rōxub is clearly related to rxību, so whatever the old word for dog was, it got replaced with "the hunting one".

Other animal words kept their general form but were forced into the new pattern (which was probably a bit more recent and in line with other analogical levelings that occurred in the early literary era). Kōduh appears to be one of these nouns. Loanwords for animals followed this pattern as well, being turned more or less into a root and then converted to fit. Shōbum [s'oːvʊm] "fish" seems to be a case of this. As inland pastoralists, either didn't have a strong connection to their original word for fish or they loaned one from the original inhabitants of their land to refer to a certain type of fish that then generalized to all fish.

After (or probably during) all this analogy, new verbs started to be coined off the animals. As such, many of the verbs in this class are quite specific and do provide reminders to all Kikxotians about animals, even if they don't interact with them much.



Saturday, May 16, 2020

Kikxotian Castes

So I've been sitting on this one for a while (my notes for this are almost 5 years old at this point!) but I've also been reading a lot about worldwide caste systems which inspired me to finish this.

One notable part of Kikxotian culture is its quite complex caste system, or tkuba. There are 14 different exogamous clans (nphuva) which roughly fall into three mostly endogamous castes/levels, called kkubī (literally constellation). The Tkuba is very closely linked with Kikxotian religion, including its mysteries, and has a complex symbolism, marriage rites, taboos, and duties attached to it. Each clan is more linked to a broad set of occupations, though individual occupations are usually inherited as well.  Table 1 acts as an English language introduction to some of these symbols.

Table 1: The Tkuba
Body Male Female Kkubī
Soul Rulers Priests Bear
Head Warriors Scribes
Stomach Hunters Herders Sheep
Groin Fishers Farmers
Arms Gatherers Craftsmen Bee
Feet Processors Builders
Heart Merchants Artists

As can be seen, each kkubī is associated with a certain animal, while two nphuva each are associated with a given body part. Each nphuva is also associated with a gender, which is mostly relevant in marriage taboos. As such, it makes sense to talk about those next.

People may only marry within their kkubīthough this taboo is much weaker in the lower two strata. Furthermore, you may not marry someone from your father's clan or your mother's clan. Finally, you must marry someone from a clan of the opposite gender class. Thus in practice, someone born in the highest caste will know from birth their future spouse's clan. This also means that political marriages are rarely happen in the most direct way, with one prince (mīhlo) marrying his children to the children of another mīhlo to form an alliance.The gender class marriage taboo is by far the strongest of all the marriage taboos and intimately tied with Kikxotian mystery rites. While that really is for another post, the short explanation is that each clan is associated with a house god (shīyto) and marriage is seen as a symbolic linkage of protection between those shīyto. Thus, since someone is already under the protection of their parents' respective shīyto, it makes no sense to marry into the protection you already have and the shīyto only link with a shīyto of the opposite sex.

On an outside anthropological note, exogamy at the clan level is actually might preclude this from being a true caste system. On a broader note though, the religion itself is endogamous and all converts are adopted into a nphuva.  

Adoption is probably the next major topic to cover. Inclusion in a nphuva is usually passed down patrilinerally. The main exception is if the father is adopted into his wife's nphuva for the purpose of following his father-in-law's occupation (though just as a wife stays with her clan formally, he stays in his). Then all their children are part of the mother's nphuva. The next exception is that a matrilineal grandfather can adopt one or more of his grandsons as an inheritor of his occupation, even if the father has his own occupation within his birth nphuva. Then this specific son is in his mother's clan, different from his siblings. 

The other adoptions are generally political or for convenience. Sometimes someone powerful is born in a clan lower than their standing. Other times, they are good at an occupation outside their clan. Sometimes there's just too many or too few people in an occupation and some movement is needed to maintain balance in society. Unlike adoptions related to marriage, the recipient actually changes nphuva. For people who haven't undergone the rituals of the Lōbopāb Kīkxot this doesn't mean to much (mostly a change in customs and dress), but those who have done the rituals will need to redo them. Marriage generally precludes any sort of adoption like this.


In all cases, adoption is a formal process approved by a Wyīúuzō. This is an occupation in the priest clan with the formal rights to prophecy directed toward individuals, including being able to see which shīyto "truly" protects them. This post is not about religion, so I won't go more into the roles of the wyīúuzō at this time.

As for the other symbols, these have to do with ritual tattoos, decorations/imagery in art, and other things of that nature. They do not have a large role in day to day life. Next I will give a brief overview of each clan. This will cover some of the occupations in each clan. Another important note is that while occupations are generally hereditary and people need to do an occupation within their clan, there is no taboo to changing to another occupation within your clan. The taboo (fixed by adoption) only happens when doing jobs outside of the clan.

The Phruyā (rulers) clan contains occupations relating to government. All princes come from this clan, as do the high kings. "Lower" families are in charge or regions, serve as mayors, or in particularly poor cases are simply landowners with no real claim to a territory. As such, members of this clan are found throughout Kikxotian territory. Kikxotian governance is complex and ever changing and not the topic of this article. It suffices to say that a mayor with a sufficient warlord backing could become the high king, as unlikely as it is, and he would be seen as legitimate.

The Srīsu (warriors) clan's main official duty is watching the āwung hākanat in the wōboth. Every settlement, from the smallest village to the great cities, has one of these towers with a signal fire inside. From these towers, the warriors defend their locality and keep peace. Now, all military officers come from this clan, but when there are not enough warriors, soldiers and guards are often drawn. Thus, a small town may only have one or two warrior families. A village without a resident warrior might either try to attract one with money or more likely have their fire kept by a resident given authority to do so from the closest mayor and warrior. Many warriors become mercenaries, especially when conflict between princes is low. Due to their higher status and education, they are often the leaders of mercenary bands, rather than just foot soldiers.

On the female side of the Bear Kkubī, there are the Gīsto (clergy/priests). There are three occupations within this clan. The first are the Bqīyu, or preachers. They lead úōhod, interpret scripture and generally act as community leaders to their followers. The next ones are the aforementioned wyīúuzō. Finally there are Ltīxu, who perform sacrifices and rituals. Unlike the other two clerical occupations, there is almost no lateral entry into the priesthood. You must be born into it (or be adopted in). Similarly, almost no priest leaves to another occupation because there's generally always very high demand for them. This can be very frustrating to the much more numerous bqīyu who often become missionaries or travel long distances trying to make a living.

Then there are the Olūvat (scribes). The primary occupation of the scribes is to be literally that, so many are located in large cities and trading hubs. Some are researchers or follow other scholarly pursuits. While the scribes are known for their literacy, many people in the Bear Kkubī can read and write. It is also common among merchants, some craftsmen, and some artists.

Next comes the Sheep Kkubī. These clans all deal with food production and are often more geographically concentrated than the Bear kkubī, because they are not essential state administration. The first one is the Rxību (hunters). This clan is not only in charge of bringing in meat from the wild, but also act as butchers (including for the shepherds), curers and tanners. In short, they are the ones who turn animals into materials that can be used by others. Many hunters have a close relationship with warriors and often serve (part time or full time) as guards, soldiers, and mercenaries, though hunters are often jealous of the higher status that warriors have. The hunters are often seen as the most mysterious and aloof clan by the others, due to the long time they spend in the wilderness, emphasis on combat. Non-butcher hunters are rare in cities and often subject to abuse and suspicion. In turn, many crime rings are allegedly run by hunters. Slavers also often come from the hunter clan.

Compared to the hunters, the Shbīmu (fishers) are a relatively beloved clan. Beyond extracting resources from the sea and rivers, fishers are sailors, delivering goods down the river and across the bay. As sailors, many are also pirates, especially in times of instability. Pearl divers and trepangers form one of the more closed off occupations, mostly due to geographic and skill constraints.

The Wyīúu (herders), not to be confused with the clerical occupation, take care of animals. The richer ones own their own herds. Others care for the herds of others. There isn't much more to say about them, really. While they do not do butchering, they do milk animals and create milk products. They have close connections with almost all clans that might have stables, though in more individual circumstances, people of all clans take care of their own kōduh. Farmers also plow fields with their own cōmum though large landholders with many oxen will probably hire a herder to take care of them.

The last of the Sheep Kkubī is the Ānīvs (farmers). These are the people who grown plants from the ground. Pretty straightforward. Some of them own their own land, others don't. Some tend the gardens of merchant and princes in cities (though that's more likely to be a slave). Some have enough land to hire other farmers or slaves to work for them. Outside of growing food, the farmer clan is responsible for some processing and storage. However some other types of processing are more commonly done by other groups.

The Bee Kkubī represents a diverse set of clans. The first is the Cxīlu (gatherers). This encompasses anyone who gathers materials from the natural environment for processing. The biggest group of these are the miners and lumberjacks. In some cases, these people act more as foremen of operations, leading teams of slaves and poorer gatherers.

The next are the Shtuzā (processors, literally those who make things become something else). This clan contains all the specialists that turn resources into something more usable, but do not make final products. The foremost occupation in here are the millers, who process plants into more edible things. Brickmakers are here as well. In fact many odds and ends type occupations are in this clan, especially when they aren't focused on a final product.

The last male clan is the Rqīnu (merchants). This clan encompasses all middlemen and people in charge of bringing goods and services from one place to another. Many are travelers (and the role of caravans in Kikxotian society merits its own post) with close connections to the warriors, fishers and hunter clans.  It is important to emphasize that there is no dishonor when people from other clans engage in trade. However, the only clan allowed to do it full time without dishonor are the merchants and they are the only people who routinely travel great distances for trade. Another occupation within this clan are the moneylenders. Finally, while tax collecting can be done by anyone, this appointment is dominated by hereditary tax collecting families from the merchant clan. While traditionally not a highly respected clan, they are wealthy and strong in contemporary Kikxotian society, which is heavily reliant on trade. One major class struggle is the inability for rich merchants to marry their children into the Bear Kkubī, though sacrifices and gifts sometimes sway wyīúuzō into "seeing" and approving merchants' children's adoption into those clans.

The first female bee clan are the Qsurā (craftsmen, lit. shapers). This encompasses all occupations related to creating finished goods. Some of the notable jobs are smiths, leatherworkers, potters, weavers, bakers, and brewers. This does note include joiners/carpenters/coopers or masons. A note about food production: there is no shame in cooking for oneself or family. This includes baking and brewing. Many, if not most cooks in rich households are slaves. The cooks occupations are fairly small and specialists. But they do fall in here.

The next female bee clan is the Hnību (builders). Other than the day laborers that physically erect buildings (mixed in with slaves, of course), this includes architects, carpenters, shipwrights, (civil) engineers, and masons. Basically if the craftsmen make small items, the builders make big items (well buildings and vehicles).

The final clan is the Simat (dancers, covers all artist types). These are the traveling minstrels, actors, dancers, griots, poets and other such artistic occupations that aren't tied to making something physical. They're one of the most looked down upon clans. Almost all simat are nomads and their well known for their taboo against sea products. Despite the general mistrust people have in them, they often serve as spies (or at least sources of information) for princes. In fact, restricting the movement of a simatzō is considered highly taboo, even in times of war. Custom provides that they must always be allowed to move, because stopping their "dance" is an attack on their duty.

I'll finish off by discussing some harder to place occupations, followed by some patterns and symbols. I will then end with a brief discussion on the societal implications of the caste system. Medical occupations are spread out through different clans, depending on the role. 'Spiritual' doctors come from the clergy, while physician-surgeons are scribes. Finally, apothecaries come from the craftsmen clan. Midwives can belong to any clan. Sorcerers (qlusāzō) do not below to any clan, as it is a taboo occupation. This is true of other taboo occupations as well.

As can be seen, male clans are more associated with destruction, with gathering and with movement, while female clans are more about creation. Male is seen as external and female internal. While really the discussion for another article, this aligns with traditional gender roles in kikxotian society. Other symbolism can be seen with the animals. Bears are a symbol of power and the verb agdōk "to be noble" comes from the same root as gōduk "bear". Sheep, as bearers of wool, meat and milk, are a completely understandable symbol for the clans that are dedicated to food production. Finally, bees are seen as productive workers who work together to create good things. This fits well with the different non-food producers and creators, who are constantly working together to different things. As such, while the scale of each constellation is different, they are all very respectable.

Finally, a bit of sociology. The caste system both causes and solves problems for the Kikxotians. The fact is that many broader tasks require input from different clans working together in close quarters. Even a small village requires at least farmers, leaders, and warriors together, plus probably some extractors and craftsmen, maybe some priests, in comes a merchant, so on and so forth. Thus, there even though there are strong status differences between, the caste system actually makes people earn some respect from their peers (hopefully). At the same time though, it does hold those same hierarchies in place. Exogamy and a way to change castes also helps with keeping peace in society. In the first case, it furthers the bonds across clans rather than creating competition. The other case allows for fluidity to face demographic problems and (to some degree) gaps between wealth and status. Speaking of demographics, is suffices to say that the bear clans are much smaller than the others and that this is some variation in size between the different clans. They also are definitely not equally spread out geographically. A final thing to mention is that the omnipresence of kikxotian religion helps legitimize the caste system, while the system helps the religion remain omnipresent in their society. It is hard to say which came first and the most likely answer in that they coevolved. Even more liberal sects do not touch the caste system very much.



Wednesday, April 4, 2018

More dialects and some phrases

Just some things that I have been thinking about the last few days, regarding TjKt mostly. First is that there is a dialect common along the coastal regions best known for the sound change [+syllabic, +short]->Ø/C_$, that is short vowels deleting in open syllables (of roots, ie etymologically). This preserves words like jāmah "faith" but not jimha "to believe in something" which instead would become jem(h) (I threw in a /ɪ/->[ɛ] as well :p). Of course, this leads to problems with words like jmohi "faithful", so I'll need to put in some more rules so that not only consonants are left. Maybe only word final deletion in that case, which would then result in a closed syllable. Another alternative would be lengthening word final short vowels if the previous vowel is also short. In this cases the options would end up being jnoh or jn(h)ī respectively. I'm kind of preferring the second option right now, it leads to some interesting stuff. I also need to figure out how to avoid clusters of intital CCC coming from CCVC roots, which leads to option 3, metathesis to CVCC. Then we'd have jom(h) as the word coming out. Yeah, not sure what to do yet. I think option 3 works the best overall. Hmm, maybe some sort of chain thing. Changes start from the right side of the word, which can change a open to a closed syllable and save the word. This can end up looking with case 1. When the final vowel is already long and the form is (V)CCVCV: then metathesis occurs to CVCCV: (option three). So the word jmohi turns to jnoh but jmuhā "thing which causes belief" becomes jmahā->jam(h)ā (/u/->[ə] in analogy with the short i sound change). Ujmahū "faithfully" becomes jamhū  because the metathesis eliminates the closedness of the first syllable.

Going down the whole 4th class (ignore the colors, html is hard), I think we get the following forms (bolded if different from standard): 
CāCaC CCoC ūCeCC CeCC CōCāC aCCōC CCīC CaCCū CūCaC CaCCā īCCōC CaCCū

3rd:

CōCoC īCCaC CaCCī CāCC ūCCāC CīCūC āCCāC CaCC CīCoC āCīCC CCūCō CCīoC

2nd:

āCuCC CīCeC CaCC aCCōC ūCCoC CCaC oCCīC CCīC aCCīCā CaCC CōCaC CaCCī CīCoC

1st:

CīCC CūCC eCCūC CCīC CCōC CāCaC CeCC ūCeCC CeCCī CCaC CīCaC

Somehow there are no duplicates within a class. Praise Kīkx!

I might throw in some mergers as well, like the alveolar affricates merging with the palatal-alveolar ones. I do think this one will preserve the pharyngeals, and I think the ejectives might weaken to pharyngealized consonants, with a loss of the non-stop ejectives. It also doesn't spirantize intervocalic stops, but does contrast consonant length intervocalically.

So let's compare some sentences now (though I haven't worked on semantic/grammatical/pragmatic stuff, so it's basically only applying sound changes at this point).

"People pray to Kikxo so that they are blessed"
Úīkmo nonsīnī Kīkxo mābíi gagaxātap-gātāp[wi:kŋɔ nɔnsi:ni: xi:kʃɔ ma:bjɪ ɣəɣəʃa:θəpga:θa:p]
Úīk nonsīnī Kīkx mābī gagaxātap-gātāp[wik nɔnsi:n:i ki:kʃ ma:bi: gəg̵əʃa:təpga:ta:p]

Pretty similar with that one

"The fishermen are eating dog in the lake"
Shbīmuzō fatiúja rōxub qal gfutī[sʼbi:mʊtʃo: ħəθɪwdzə ro:ʃʊb qʼəl għʊθi:]
Spīnzō fateúj rōxab qal gafthī[spi:ntʃo: ħətewdʒ ro:ʃəb ɢǝl gəħtˤi:]

That one is pretty similar too. Let's try two more.

"I have seen stars in the desert and heard wind on the island"
Yān khopihma kōkob qal thuyī ūmpa khoniyka citham qal úlunī[ha:n kʼɔfɪʔmə xo:xɔb qʼəl tʼʊhi: ju:mpə kʼɔni:kə tsɪtʼəm qʼəl u:lʊni:]
Yān khpehm kōkob qal tahyī ūmp khnek ztham qal úalnī[ha:n qpɛʔm̩ ko:kɔb ɢəl təʔhi: ju:mp qnɛxk tʃˤtˤəm ɢəl wəlni:]

"Sentient beings talk and eat"
Tiújī ūtiúj ūmpa tiúja[tɪwdzi: ju:θɪwdz u:mpə θɪwdzə]

Teújī ūteúj ūmp teúj[tɛwdʒi: ju:tɛwdʒ u:mp tɛwdʒ]


Outside of dialects, I've been thinking about sayings and such. Euphemism and the like as well. One root I was thinking about is NSP "to travel (in a group)". Some important words from this root are nōsup "caravan" and ansōp "to travel (in a group); to go from one point to another for trade". Now the transitive stem onsīp isn't really used formally, at least without an applicative. Well, it makes sense that this could be used as a causative "to make a group of people travel". While this could mean like "to send off a caravan" but more normally/colloquially it means "to exile a group" or even "to ethnically cleanse/force a migration".  It doesn't have to necessarily be malevolent. For example a gafto "flood" could force people to evacuate, such as in the sentence lbupī onaxsīp gafto "The people evacuated the village because of the flood" (lit. "As for the village, a flood forced it away")

Another interesting use of NSP is nōsup-nōsōp "to give a caravan to someone" (since these types of verbs always have recipients for direct objects). This, when taken literally, is a little strange. However, in actual use it means "to invest in someone's business venture (usually by supplying capital)" since rich merchants would earn money by giving up-and-coming merchants the right to use their goods and caravan in exchange for a cut of the profits. This later extended to a general meaning of "to invest (in someone)". It then later also gained the meaning of "to give an inheritance to someone" since those same goods later became the basis of many a merchant's son's inheritance.

This construction in general is known for having a large number of idiomatic meanings. A classic is sīqro-sīqri "to give give a butt to someone". This has come to mean "to kiss up to someone, to show deference to someone" since within Kikxotian culture, to bend over like this would be a sign of making yourself vulnerable to someone (specifically for their gain...they aren't a very progressive culture).  pōjop-pōjōp "to give death" is another example, here meaning "to execute" as opposed to the more generic pījūp "to kill". There's āruyt-ārāyt "to give a tongue" or rather "to claim a bounty (from someone), stemming from the tradition of cutting off the tongue of a person or animal to show that you killed them.

Ācutr-ācātr "to give a choice" is a very interesting one. At face value, this is a good thing. However in actual use this means "to threaten". Kikxotians value choices and agency. Therefore, in sentencing and other such arrangements, the criminal would often be given a choice in their punishment. In many private arrangements, "choices" are given as well even if everyone knows that only a certain option will be decided. Plenty of corrupt individuals and criminals would preface (such as in a tax shakedown or protection scheme) their demands with "I'm giving you a choice" until this became a euphemism for "to threaten". For some people, some back euphemism stuff has even happened where the original ācutr "choice" has come to mean "threat".

A few others ones. Wsuzī-wsūzū "to give a marsh" is to give someone something that is utterly worthless in order to mock them. It's like a white elephant gift but without the prestige. Tōwow-tōwōw "to give ice" is to do something to someone that has only temporary benefits before fading away. For example, a really terrible doctor might be accused of "only giving people ice" instead of actually healing them. Nōvos-nōvōs "to give a plow" is to endebt or enslave someone. 

Point is, this is a very productive but also highly context based construction. Many of these simply have to be learned, especially in the dialects where the first part is dropped. Like in any language, the meanings can't simply be learned as a derivation of common root, but instead as component of the culture. How else would we know that rōxub-rōxōb is "to invite someone on a day outing" or wxurā-wxūrū is "to be a quisling". Let alone that naxōíox-nōíōx is "to take someone in for the night" (this one is almost exclusively used in the passive, the active has a meaning like "to give thanks to a host".  Neither would be guessable from the root which means "grass").

Just a lot of musings

Monday, February 12, 2018

TbKt conjunctions

So I was reading about syntax and figured I could do a mini post on TbKt conjunctions. We'll look at about 4 or 5 today (all particles...except they can inflect so whatever).

The first is ī. This is "and" and links together multiple nouns within a phrase to a single subject/head. The key thing to remember here is that it works on a phrasal level instead of a clausal one and keeps both the noun and the verb the same. For example, the sentence Yān oxdīc rōxub ī zhōluq "I hit the dog and the cat". This also implies some sort of unity of coherence in the verb. Ī can link nouns separated by relative clauses. For example, Yān oxdīc rōxub vit anmōs-anmōs ī zhōluq "I hit the dog, which ran away, and the cat".

The second is jasā "and/or". It isn't commonly used and more or less replaces ī. Yān oxdīc rōxub jasā zhōluq "I hit the dog and/or the cat"

Then there is ocāk "and". Unlike ī, ocāk operates on a clausal level. More specifically, it links two (otherwise unrelated) clauses together, and draws attention to the fact that the subject changed. Indeed, in common usage it almost acts as a DS switch reference marker. This is very useful when the object cannot be promoted to subject position (perhaps because of indefiniteness) yet there is some sort of continuity between the clauses. Use of ocāk followed by a verb but no arguments indicates that the subject has changed, probably to the former object (though arguments can of course be added, especially for clarity of emphasis). For example Yān oxdīc rōxub ocāk anmōs-anmōs  "I hit a dog and the dog ran (away)". If the dog had already been previously referenced, then Rōxub oxaxdic yān ūmpa anmōs-anmōs "I hit the dog and it ran away" would be more appropriate.

Which brings us to ūmpa "and". This also works on a clausal level, but specifically marks the subject as staying the same between the clauses, like a SS SR marker. Sometimes it translates to something very similar to ī (despite working on different levels) but implies disunity of the verb, or some sort of sequence. This is especially true when the new "clause" is only an arugment, meaning that the subject and verb have been carried over. For example Yān oxdīc rōxub ūmpa zhōluq is literally "I hit (the) dog and (the) cat" but would be understood as "I hit the dog and then the cat" or "I hit the dog and (I hit) the cat (but with something to make the acts of hitting be considered separate)".

Agis means "but" and works as a replacement for ocāk. It simply marks surprise or unexpectedness of the next clause and can be emphasized with the suffix -(a)x. This suffix can also be added to the other conjunctions, with the same sort of meaning. Some examples. Rōxub oxaxdīc ūmpax mōnak anmōs-anmōs "I hit the dog but it didn't run away". Yān oxdīc rōxub īx zhōluq "I hit a dog AND a cat".

Anyway, that's an intro to conjunctions in TbKt. To think that I was accidentally doing pivot and pseudo-switch reference long before I ever knew them.

Sunday, January 14, 2018

Dialects in TbKt

Based on a reddit post, here's some info on a couple TbKt dialects:

So island speech! First thing to talk about is the changes to the phonetic inventory, which has undergone some series changes.
  • The ejectives have merged with the plain stop series (except [qʼ] which shifted to [ʔ]).
  • The palatal-alveolar series has shifted to a pure palatal (under Knǝnʔtəəʔ's influence) while /ʃ/ merged with /s/.
  • The alveolar affricates have lenited to the fricatives, with [z] then merging with [s].
  • The pharyngeal fricatives shifted to [h]
  • /ɹ/-> [r]
  • The vowels have stayed relative the same, except that /i/ has shifted to [e] and /u/ to [ʉ] (with it losing rounding in some speakers as well).
  • some changes in sequences and the various assimilation/sandhi rules, most notably /h/->ø /VV (if both V are of the same quality), loss of nasal assimilation and intervocalic lenition, and allowance of syllabic consonants. {+syllabic, -long}>ø/[𝛂,+long]C or _C[𝛂,+long] is also found in the dialect, for root words at least.
These changes mostly reflect that the native Kntic languages have a much smaller consonant inventory and even greater tolerance for consonant clusters. Anyway, these changes alone can result in very different words, for example bāfaw [bɑ:ħəɹ] to bār [bä:r] or zhōjos [tʃʼo:dzɔs] to zōs [co:s], but also very little change at all, like pījūp [pi:dzu:p] to pīsūp [pi:su:p] and gīsto [gi:stɔ] to gīsto [gi:stɔ]
The next important differences are morphological and include:
  • Many of the imitative reduplications are instead known only by the second part of the word, that is the echo.
  • Full reduplication is instead replaced with left-bound back-reduplication (very much a feature of the local languages)
  • The aspects are done with adverbs instead of affixes, with the perfective taken as a default instead of the imperfective.
  • Possessed nouns are not marked as such anymore, instead possession is shown simply through juxtaposition.
  • Compounds aren't marked anymore
Syntax is changed as well, mostly the shift to a more topic-prominent structure and VS being used in intransitive sentences instead of SV.
Semantics is a major difference, with lots of words being loaned from the local languages, for example kwīs "seaweed" and krnaí "canoe". Other words have shifted in meaning as well, though I'm not sure how right now. Also (combined with pragmatics, I guess), the semantic differences between the human and non-human nouns and verbs (such as "to eat (human)" vs "to eat (non-human)") have been lost and replaced with one or the other.
Pragmatics is another area where the dialect differs from the standard. Much of the formality system is lost, with only the familiar pronouns being used now (or sometimes pronouns borrowed from Kntic languages, in which the Kntic ones generally act as informal and the TbKt ones as formal). As previously mentioned, it is much more topic-prominent than the standard.

Of course there are other differences as well, but that gives a decent over view. Now, some comparisons.
fīs mlodi-mlodizun [ħi:s nlɔðɪmlɔðɪtʃʊn] "she is very beautiful" demlode mā [demlɔde mä:] "s/he is very beautiful"
yānolūs khotiúja īn ryītuāb cōmum [hɑ:nɔlu:s kʼɔθɪwʣi:n ri:θʊɑ:b ʦo:mʊm] "I (formal) have eaten (formal) the ox tongue" rītu sōmum yān līrūl [ɾi:tʉ so:mʉm hä:n li:ɾu:l] "The ox tongue, I've eaten it"
Fīs fazīxūf owāxc [ħi:s ħətʃi:ʃu: ħɔɹɑ:ʃts] "S/he is reading some writing" mā zīsūnamos orās* [mä: ci:su:nəmɔ sɔɾä:s] "S/he is reading some writing"


The mountain dialect is mostly notable for some unusual phonological features, namely "suprasegmental semivowels". Basically, in contrast to the standard (and most other dialects), the semivowels /j/ <í> and /w/ <ú> do not turn into long vowels after consonants or put between two consonants. Instead, they have lost most of their features, including being a full segement, except intervocalically. Also, final close vowels (long and short) have turned into their respective semivowels (while /i/->/e/ elsewhere and some other vowel mergers have left it with a six vowel, lengthless system overall). For example kmuri [kŋʊrɪ] "mountain range" is kmurí [kŋurʲ] and dīkholu [di:kʼɔlʊ] "weather" is dikhålú [dikʼɑlʷ]. These are generally barely audible in isolation. However, it usually surfaces on the following word, either as a full semi-vowel (when vowel initial) or as palatalization/labialization on the last consonant of the cluster, often with /ə/ <a> or an echo vowel added where the semivowel once was. Some examples:
kmurutlíachí [kŋurutlʲətʃʼ] which is composed of kmurí and tlachí "big". The semivowel attaches right, and the CCC cluster is broken up as CVCC with an echo vowel.
dikhålúitwå [dikʼɑlwitɹɑ] "cold weather", where itwaw "weather" begins with a vowel.
lúuní "island" (which comes from úlunī [u:lʊni:], there is metathesis (or rather, segment shifting) because of the initial semivowel) combines with pozåh [potʃɑʔ] "boat (from pōzoq) to be lúumpíozåh as in "islands and boats" or more completely yan pehma lúumpíozåh "I see islands and boats"

Other features often found in TbKt dialects:
  • changed vowel systems, especially the development of [e]
  • consonant stuff, including more fricatives, loss of one of the series or things like that. The uvular and pharyngeals are especially commonly lost
  • loan words (which the standard is very resistant too)
  • simply different constructions
  • different pronouns
It a lot of things like that. It's late and I'm tired, so I'll be done for now, but I hope you learned a bit about some of the many Kikxotian dialects.

Friday, July 21, 2017

Language Profile: Toúījāb Kīkxot

Name: Toúījāb Kīkxot
Alternative Names: The Holy Language
Family: The Eastern Group of the West Plains family, though it is quite far from the rest of the West Plains family
Location: Along the western coast of the bay (it makes sense if you've seen the map), along the rivers, up to the mountains and extending out into the plains, plus as a lingua franca around the whole bay area. Also is used as a liturgical language in Kikxo worshiping communities.
History: Some 2000 years prior, nomads from the west swept in the the fertile plains and river valleys near the bay, overtaking the languages that used to be there.  Roughly 1000 years ago, with writing of their scriptures and the spread of Kikxoism, TbKt began dominating its neighbors. Presently it has split into a variety of dialects that all claim to be the same language, even when not mutually intelligible. As an important trade and liturgical language, it is widely spoken and a frequent contributor of loan words to its neighbors. There are also various pidgins and creoles based on it, especially in the Bay Islands
Writing System: Self made logography with some syllabic elements
Typological information:
  • Word order: SVO
  • Alignment: Nom-Acc, technically, but it is pretty irrelevant to the language, seeing as neither verbs nor nouns are marked like that
  • Morphological: Agglutinative
Notable Features:
  • Triconsonantal roots. Like really a really pervasive system
  • Reduplication- lots and lots of it
    • Full reduplication
    • Very productive imitative reduplication
    • Partial reduplication
  • No person marking on verbs, no plural marking on nouns
  • Registers and dialects
  • Complicated politeness based pronoun system
    • 4 basic categories of Pronouns
      • Polite/honorific/superior
      • Neutral
      • Familiar
      • Pejorative
    • Fairly open, allowing for names, nouns and other things to act as a pronoun if desired
  • Symmetrical voice system and applicative suffixes on verbs
  • Marked Transitivity
  • Xenophobia and extreme resistance to loan words and foreign influence (in the standard language)
Some morphological markings:
  • Verbs
    • Mood (prefix)
    • Aspect (prefix)
    • Valency (transfix)
    • Voice (infix)
    • Role of patient/theme (suffix)
    • Compounding/serial verb markers (suffix)
  • Nouns
    • Possessed "case" (suffix)
    • Animacy/Gender on certain nouns (suffix)
    • Compounding markers (suffix)
      • Ensuring a strong split between heads, modifiers and adjectives




Thursday, April 13, 2017

Duty among Kīkxo's People

Time for something different!  Well sort of.  It's still conworlding, just not conlanging as it may be. Having a robust culture is an important part of creating a language. It provides the background to make things happen.

As I think I've mentioned before, religion plays a very important role in the daily lives on the Úīkmo Kīkxot (Actually that's where I got the idea for this lang in the first place). They even call themselves "Kikxo's people"! Kīkxo, of course is their main God. This posting is not an exhaustive account of their religion. That needs to be explained over the course of many posts. Instead I'll focus on one aspect: duty.

Today in may world religions class we were discussing Confucianism and the idea of the Junzi. It got me thinking "what would be the ideal person in this society?" Well, it probably would be broader than Junzi. In fact, I think it would be a lot more like the Hindu idea of dharma, obedience towards one's individual place in life.

Within this culture, people have three main duties: 1) To improve themselves; 2) To serve God; and 3) To advance society. The perfect person (úīkmo ikkuxat; gōtāpzō ikkuxat; kikxī are all common names used to describe such a person with kixkī having a very similar connotation to buddha or saint and often used as an honorific) has found balance in all three aspects, and while s/he shouldn't be worshiped, should definitely be emulated. However, none of three things mean exactly what we might think as westerners, and all three are very interconnected.

People improve themselves by learning about Kīkxo. The culmination of this is by going through all the rites in the Lōbopāb Kīkxot (lit "House of God", more normally "temple") and becoming a: possessor of the true knowledge of the Shīyto; a defender against evil; and receiving the promise of Resurrection from Kīkxo. So self improvement in this context has to do with progress through the religion more than self-improvement in a secular sense.

People serve God by keeping his commandments, both generally and caste specific. Proper sacrifices, being the best of your role you can be, taking care of the priest caste and the like are all ways in which people serve Kīkxo.

Advancing society basically means spreading the religion of Kīkxo, engaging in war with evil, serving others, and treating others well. But mostly spreading the religion. Asceticism, or rather hermitism, is seen as contrary to advancing society. In fact, the more close society is, the more advanced it is seen.

Therefore a kikxī is not just very good at whatever s/he is supposed to do, but also active in their community. A kikxī is altruistic, helpful, humble and open. A kikxī is obedient in all things. A kikxī from one caste would be quite different than a kikxī from another caste. It's not exactly what we would think of as a holy man, and that's why I think it converges quite a bit with the concept of Junzi, as I understand it, at least

Also, this took me two and a half months to write (it's 6/30 now).  I'm terrible but will hopefully start updating this blog more again

Sunday, April 9, 2017

Some minor thoughts on opening, closing, and doors

So I was walking home and thinking about how mesoamerican languages use body part symbolism in word formation and compounding. Or I so I thought; I can't seem to find any references to it now. From there I was thinking how TbKt would express words for things like "door", "open", and "close". I decided that door probably wouldn't be a body part compound, most likely it would be something like "opening/what is opened". From there, I thought how the word "open" would be. I figure that some sort of thing where opening is an extension of revealing. Ends up I already have a word meaning open, so I just stuck reveal on there too. I don't have a word for "close" yet, nor do I have one for "hide" so I'm combing them into one root. Then I decided that door would probably fit better as "somethings that hides/closes things" (kind of by analogy with lid).

Some important distinctions (from English):
  1. If you hide something by covering it up (from above, with another object) you use a different root YHT. I thought for a while that maybe door could be related to this root but I decided against it because it mostly has to do with things that rest over other things (hats, lids, snow, etc).
  2. We might say that someone has an open mind but in this language it would be "unbounded mind" (if the ideas it is open to are "good") or a "soft/wooly mind" (if the ideas aren't). By extension the opposites are a "bound mind" and a "hard/rocky mind" respectively. A "hollow mind" could also work, though it has the implication that that person is so open-minded that they believe anything, so more like gullible. Actually, as I think about this more, I think the underlying metaphor is that the mind is a field/farm, so I'm not sure how well "hollow mind" would work. Maybe a "fallow mind"?
  3. This use of door refers to things that open and shut, that is covers for door-space. This can be gates, curtains, what we actually think of as doors, and so one. A door that cannot be closed (because it is a space in a wall) is the nothinging (nonexistent) part of a wall. A "door" fills the nothinging of a wall (on that note, that whole root works really weird for english speakers, I think. A whole root for not existing).
  4. I'm not sure if analogy/metonymy with doors and metaphorical ideas would work like they do in English. Probably something else would work better, depending on the metaphor. However there probably are times it would work. So I guess it depends on the figurative speech in question.
I was going to do some sentences and examples, but I don't think I will today. Just plain lazy and I ant to chase another post doing stuff on the metaphor of the mind being a farm.  Since that was a coolish sort of idea I had.  Metaphors are fun!

Monday, April 3, 2017

That last story but in TbKt

So I had fun writing the last story so I'm gonna translate it again, but in TbKt. Not that it's very sensible to the Kikxotian mind, but hey maybe it's the sort of story they publish in anthologies of tribal tales to make fun of their poor, ignorant neighbors. Also, this translation should hopefully have better flow and more flowery language (sort of), since this lang is way more fleshed.

Ūstu khosaowaxphīc-owphīc wōluf? Ūíonuc khoowaxphīc. Oshbīmiz, faoqcīl íopul. Smofizōchōp ūsimf-isumf. Īsaxumōfsā wōluf. Ugmasūkuc ofaxqīl. Īn wōluf amlōí līwūl ūstu. Usarsíuy īw naxiyka phruyāzō wōbothat. Thāxakh aksōtnāg, fīs khopīkūg īn wōluf. Īn wōluf khoāpkāg agis baxifwa ūstu. 
Most important things to note here? I tried to not bring up subjects unless the subject changed from the last sentence. So in TbKt narrative forms the subject is implied until changed. This also means that the patient focus and agent focus often switch while trying to maintain the same subject. I can't remember anything else of note right now.  It's been a while since I did this though I'm just now publishing it.  Probably could be cleaned up though but whatever.  I'm still learning this language too!

Wednesday, March 1, 2017

Universal Declaration of Human Rights: Toúījāb Kīkxot

Here's a translation for the first article of the Universal Declaration of Human rights. The first set of translators notes have to do with the translation itself, the second set more with the theory behind why I did things. Btw, check out this site

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 1:
All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.

Toúījāb Kīkxot:
Khōhim úīkmo1 vit akhxōm qal cōroj2 dumlūzō ūmpa lipha tāsah ī cāyap3 vit fnoxi4. Cānu mamaxīrosasā5 mocīph6 ī ahrōsh 7 ūmpa ziūsiwk8 olúīg-alúag zāraz dūchhawāx.
IPA:
[ˈk'oːʔɪm wiːkŋɔ ʕɪt ək'ʃoːm q'əl tsoːrɔdz dʊmluːtʃoː uːmpə lɪp'ə tɑːsəʔ iː tsɑːjəp ʕɪt ħnɔʃɪ. Tsɑːnʊ məməʃiːrɔsəsɑː mɔtsiːp' iː əʔroːs' uːmpə tʃjuːsɪɹk ɔlwiːg-əlwəg tʃɑːrətʃ duːts'əɹɑːʃ]
Translators notes

1 The word literally means "human, person, mankind", but has a connotation of "civilized people" (that is, only their civilization). Using "úīkmo" instead of "vīggo" (human, tribe, people, mankind, barbarian etc) reflects their values that they are superior and have greater rights compared to everyone else.

2 Úīkmo Kīkxot find the idea of people being born "free" strange. Instead the phrase "enter the world" is used. Means the same thing, but fits their sensibility better, since the verb born usually has reference to a mother, but there is none here.

3 Literally means "entitlement". Úīkmo Kīkxot don't have the same views as us regarding rights. People can feel that they deserve something, but those are based on merit, wealth and caste, not ideals.

4 Means the same, equal or even balanced. While this construction is perfectly acceptable, xenophobic Úīkmo Kīkxot would probably interpret this to mean that each person's rights (entitlements) are equal or in accordance with their individual dignity (honor, standing) and not that all people have the same rights and dignity.

5 The habitual/frequentive/gnomic aspect is used to emphasize that people are always given the following things. Takes a locative applicative suffix to show that the subject is the recipient, not the patient. While no agent is specified, the ditransitive is still used and people can understand from context that the following nouns are patients, not agents.

6 Literally means "mind, place of thoughts" but can mean reason too

7 Literally means "doing righteous acts" but like many verbal nouns, has a more abstract meaning of "knowing what is right" or conscience

8 Means "must" but uses the imperative prefix to soften it to "should". This shows that pragmatically the imperative prefix makes orders more polite and in the case of an imperative verb, still makes it more polite


A) The IPA represents the standard dialect as I have it so far. But I may add more assimilations/sadhi effects/liaison and the like so don't take it as the final say.

B) So I was looking at different translations of the UDHR while I was doing this (having already decided that I didn't want to use the word for birth (see the note above)) and it ends up that Sundanese seems to use a similar phrasing: "Sakumna jalma gubrag ka alam dunya...". My Sundanese is pretty shabby and my dictionary is still in Ethiopia, but gubrag ka alam dunya means "[something] to the natural world" and I'm pretty sure gubrag means "enter". So I'm not the only person to come up with this sort of way for translating it.

C) You may get the feeling that this culture is a culture of lawyers.  Well, it really is. Their religion's big schism is over the interpretation of a religious holiday. Lawyering and loopholes is built into their national being. Just look at their views on slavery. And a translation of a document like this would definitely be written by lawyers. So that's why there's lots of weasel words and ambiguous phrasings that they can take advantage of. "Oh yes, we treat all civilized people in balance with their deserved honor. In fact, we are the most humane civilization around."

D) Caste is a big deal for the Úīkmo Kīkxot. Of course they would write the translation to fit that, rather than trying to change their culture.

E) In retrospect, I think that the verb mamaxīrosasā should probably be mamaxīrosaī (which in turn would be probably pronounced something like [məmʃiːrɔsiː] but I haven't figured out all the assimilation stuff yet) since I've really shifted to having the benefactive also be a recipient marker and the locative being more only for physical locations. Especially since it benefits the person getting reason. So I may eventually change this up.

F) Verbal nouns probably make up one of the most ambigious, least consistent, hardest to translate and most fun form for TbKt. I really haven't done enough with them, showing all the different paths that things can take for it.

G) I thought for a long time on how to express "should". I already had an imperative, and in normal speech probably only the imperative would be used, I think, but in something more formal like this there had to be something seperate. So it made some interesting effects on the pragmatics of commands, which is cool.

H) I always love when one of my reduplications gets used. I had so much fun thinking them up and figuring out how they'd be use. It was actually one of the big things, in my opinion, that help TbKt move away from its Indonesian and Arabic roots.

I) In retrospect, it might be best that olúig takes the instrumental suffix, which would empahsize that the manner is a (compound noun) and the subject is using that noun to do the verb. Also, I'm not sure if the adjective agreement is necessary here since it could be a compound noun.

J) Conjunctions in TbKt (the one concession I give to logic!) would make for an interesting article. But I think I want to get some profiles and work on other languages up first. But maybe not, because the patient is marked already...it's all confusing. Maybe a preposition should be added.

As for the literal translation, it would be something like "All civilized beings which enter the world are independent and they have honor and entitlements which are equal. They are given a mind and sense of good doing and should treat each other in a brotherly manner."

I should do a gloss but I'm real lazy so this is good for now.

Monday, February 20, 2017

Slavery among the People of Kikxo: A President's Day Special

I'm doing this instead of homework because I can't focus on homework right now because my face is numb.  Silly dentist fixing my teeth.

I wanted to do a whole big article on the political system of the úīkmo Kīkxot, but I do have plenty of homework to do and really am not feeling up to it.  So I'll talk about something more minor but still president's day related: slavery.

The úīkmo Kīkxot are, if nothing else, xenophobic. Not necessarily in the "hatred of foreigners" way so much as the "hatred of strangers" way. You can figure out the difference for yourself. And they do love their slavery. They take from whoever sells and from the people they conqueror. Their religion proscribes only one rule: No follower of Kīkxo may enslave fellow travelers. The different sects interpret this in very different ways, with an extreme few saying that forbids all slavery all the way to the sects that think that means even enslaving members of other sects is okay. But for most people, it means non-followers of Kikxot are fair game.

Most people do not own slaves but those that do use them for a variety of tasks. Agriculture, manufacturing, running a household, teaching and whatever else. Slaves can even have fairly high status, personal wealth and other things that we wouldn't associate with slaves in our culture. They are (in theory) to be cared for and protected, sometimes even like a family member. But they are not free (whatever that means) and ultimately report and execute the will of their owners.

Slavery is a highly valued and protected institution among the Úīkmo Kīkxot, which may be hard to understand for a westerner. It stems from their religious beliefs ultimately. To them, Kīkxo is the ultimate protector in the fight between Good and Evil. One who worships and submits to Kīkxo is accepting his protection. When a follower of Kīkxo enslaves someone, Kīkxo's protection extends over that slave. To the followers of Kīkxo, slavery is a means of extending Kīkxo's good will and love to the ignorant savages who refuse to accept it on their own. To the followers of Kīkxo it is inhumane to free slaves and release them from the protection Kīkxo offers them. It is the evil one who tells slaves they want to be free, that deludes people into wanting to free slaves. Now of course, in theory if a slave converts to Kīkxo, they should be freed, though many slaveowners, reasonably fearing it is simply a deception to seek freedom and betray Kīkxo and the forces of good, do not accept such conversions. At least, that's what their reasoning is.

Theologians and scribes often debate the role that slavery plays in spreading the truth to other lands ("Are our neighbors converting just to avoid slave raids? Should such deceitful traitors be enslaved to teach them a lesson?" or "Are we really only spreading the religion as an excuse to expand and take more slaves?" Things like that) they almost always agree that it is a good thing and an essential part civilized life.

Happy Presidents Day

Thursday, February 16, 2017

What is love? A Valentine's Day special

Yeah I'm a couple days late. Actually I didn't even start this post until after Valentine's Day. Didn't even have the idea until afterwards. But it's what I would have done had I not been swamped up in homework.

Anyway, in honor of that special day I detest so much, let's look at words for love in various conlangs I've made. I'll basically only deal with Toúījāb Kīkxot because I think that's the one I have the most info on this for, so maybs not various conlangs. It's not a topic I spend much time on, yannow?

The basic root for love is XYS (I) which is all things relating to the liver (think Indonesian hati, if you happen to know Indonesia). Of course in actual use it rarely is used to refer to the actual liver (xīyso) and generally means "the place where emotions are". While this could mean any emotions, the úīkmo Kīkxot use it almost exclusively to refer to love. If the heart is the base noun, love itself is xoyīs, though in informal and everyday speech many people will simply use xīyso (or given that the standard is different from most varieties, probably something like xīso or sisu or something else like that). This love is more or less equivalent to the English word "love", covering a wide semantic space. In Indonesian terms, xoyīs is kasih, cinta, and sayang all wrapped in one word, which is a bit unusual since this language usually cleaves with Indonesia pretty well, being based of it after all.

TbKt (I need to think of good abbreviations) is a language that loves compounding and this is no different when it comes to love. Xīysoāb Kīkxot (lit. "God's heart") is "charity" or the Greek "agape". It's the love that God (well, not our understanding of God, but I'll use the translation regardless) feels towards his worshipers. More metaphorically it represents an unconditional (strangely enough, considering that Kīkxo's love may seem pretty conditional to a westerner) love, a care and affection so deep that it can't be gotten rid of no matter how awful someone is. It's not pity though (that's kāral), it's a deeper understanding felt towards someone, yannow? Familial love is usually represented in two ways: with a liver+owner compound (ex: xīysoāb mīznot- "motherly love") or with a nominialzation of the roots transitive verb (ex: micna "motherly love). Usage really depends on context and user preference, the first being more likely to be used in a sentence like "Motherly love is so important" while the second in a sentence like "Motherly love makes my children happy."

Verbwise, XYS can be used in the transitive or intransitive and always has a human agent (though some particularly bigoted úīkmo kīkxot would consider it improper to use with a vīggo (tribesman) agent). Intransitive ūxiys has a general meaning of "to have strong emotions/love" and is usually used with a preposition to mark the recipient. This can be used with non-human/inanimate recipients, especially in informal registers, though the more inanimate the recipient the stranger it sounds. Without any compliment, it usually carries a meaning like "in love", "unstable", "crazy (indonesian "gila" or "tergila")" or "overcome by emotions". The transitive verb form xiysa can only be used with a human patient/recipient. It almost always takes the benefactive suffix -ī (the bare stem has a causitive meaning, which is a whole nother can of worms but would have a meaning like "X makes Y fall in love" or more naturally "Y fell in love with X", but it isn't a common construction). Like many verbs of emotion, the habitual form "C(a)-" is used, so xaxiysaī is the most common way of saying "X loves Y". Being a fairly intimate verb, "I love you" would be Yān xaxiysaī ōdan (or xaxiysaīōd) in most cases.

While xoyīs describes a variety of different sorts of love, the verb forms pretty much exclusively refer to romantic and sexual love. This is especially clear with the intensified form, which basically translate to "lust". To say that you love someone in a non-romantic sense, the transitive form of the family roots are generally. Now there is some ambiguity, as these verbs could mean "to consider [patient] a Y (with the implicit "love [patient] like a Y" built into this)" (a semi-causative in nature) or "to care for [patient] in a Yly role". It most cases, agent focus is the second translation while patient focus is the first translation, but as always context rules.  As examples, Yān dichha ōdan would probably translate to something like "I care for you like a sibling" (or more likely "I'm babysitting you/I admire you" depending on the relative ages of the speakers) while Ōdan dadaxichha yān  would be "I love you (like a sibling)" (lit. "You are considered a sibling by me"). Just like other verbs of emotion, these often are in the habitual aspect, but unlike XYS, do not take the benefactive. Unlike the familial love verbs kikxa is always treated like a causative. Humans are considered unable to love someone like God loves someone, so it would be absurd for the verb to ever mean "to love someone like God loves people". Kikxa means "to consider someone God" or more regularly (and less blasphemously) "to adore someone". It is usually in patient-focus, because why would God(-like beings) not be the focus of the sentence. Therefore Ōdan kakaxikxa yān would mean "I adore you" or "I love you fully (and unconditionally)" or even "I love you in the most platonic and totally non-romantic way" (Also, kakaxikxa is quite the mouthful considering it has only two consonant phonemes). These constructions are fairly informal (and highly intimate, though as seen previously not necessarily romantic (though it usually is despite coming from the root for God)) in nature and form a nice contrast with the intensified xiysa-xiysaī, "to lust after someone".

The normal word for "boyfriend/girlfriend/lover" is xāyas and this word is rarely used to describe one's spouse. Instead one's spouse is usually referred to as a ōmazhnzō/ōmazhnzun, which literally means "reflection". Increasingly, this is used by unmarried lovers to describe that person they just /know/ is the one, and it is also highly common for any description of a "lover" in literature and poetry. Xāyas can also mean "loving" as an adjective, and in this case is used with spouses. Which can lead to sentences like Ōmazhnzō xāyas mōnak nazinitra-nitra omazhnzunmā "A loving husband shouldn't beat his wife", though a wife saying this to her husband might use fis or even mavox instead of -mā, depending on the circumstances. One final bit of (naughtier fun). A vulgar slang word! Sasās means "horny", coming from a dialect that indicates intensity with a back reduplication (xāyas-xāyas -> saxāyas), and has sound rules that go something like this: x->s and deletion of y between the same vowel āya->ā. So saxāyas->sasāyas->sasāas->sasās. Pretty cool, huh?

I think that is enough for the valentine's special. Really makes me think about how little my conlangs care about this topic. Also, be glad that I didn't go all anthropological and talk about the complex courtship and marriage customs of the úīkmo kīkxot. Let alone their opinions on PDA.