Showing posts with label anthropology. Show all posts
Showing posts with label anthropology. Show all posts

Saturday, March 18, 2023

On Liminality

In the strictest sense, liminality refers to the state that you are in during rituals that move you from one state to the next. Or something like that, I'm not an anthropologist. In the modern world, few people encounter many of these rituals. They of course still exist (or at least in a close enough sense). Take the rituals of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (hence called Mormon because I don't have time for political correctness and you all know what I mean). I can think of two that might qualify: baptism-confirmation (the movement between outsider to member), initiatories-endowment (movement from the lower law to a higher law). I thought that sealings may count but on second thought, probably not. There's not really a point when you lose your old status. Honestly even the endowment might be stretching the definition but whatever. And yet, the actual time spent in a liminal state for each ritual is small. A child might spend mere minutes between baptism and confirmation; an adult maybe a day to a week. From initiatory to endowment (or even just from the beginning of the endowment to the end? The end of initiatory to the beginning of the endowment?) is a couple of hours. That's not a long time, since these rites of passage, these rituals are not all consuming.

But liminality in the strict sense isn't what I want to talk about. There's all sorts of times in life, in my own life for sure, where people, like myself, sit in between states, at loss of an identity. In "popular" culture there's a lot of talk about "liminal spaces" such as hallways, airports and train stations where everyone is in transit. The gaps between our destinations. They fascinate certain segments of the internet. But that's not what I mean. I'm talking about certain life stages that people may or may not reach. Aspects of progression wanted (or demanded) by culture and existing between them. It's a subjective liminality, nested liminality, relative liminality. 

Here's an example from my own life. I finished exams in early May, but graduation wasn't until the end of the month. For a few weeks, I existed in this sort of liminality. I was neither student (nothing to study for, no obligation to go to classes etc) and yet I had not yet crossed the threshold to become a graduate. I was nothing (and it felt good, fwiw).

Another example. I will finish my last class in about 6 weeks (give or take). At that point, I will not really be a phd student. However, I don't become a dissertation until I complete the arcane ritual that is the proposal defense (or quit, that's the other way to escape the liminality). Stuck in the middle, neither student nor researcher.

Singles wards are something of a liminal space (especially at universities but I digress). Composed of people who are not children (in fact, from most points of views are adults) and yet not fully entered into adult society. There's a constant churn, people moving in and out, people marrying, even people divorcing. Of course, no one is forced to go to the singles ward but even outside of it they'll always still be in that state. In this sense, the singles ward isn't the cause of the liminal state and the discomfort that comes from being in it. Rather, it is a refuge for those in liminality, those trying to find their way out of it. A place for rituals of the liminal to escape the liminal. Or not.

Life is a liminal space, from an eternal perspective. At some point we begin the ritual of exaltation by coming to Earth. With that comes the stripping away of our divine identity; the veil makes us forget all. We become nothing but the dust of the Earth. We exist in this space but eventually get our memories, our identities back. Some find it sooner than others. Some never complete the ritual. But we all exist in this space for the time being.

Death is a liminal space. Lincoln in the Bardo was a weird book that I only like 3/4 listened to but it does do some interesting things with the idea of death being a liminal space. That being said, from a Mormon perspective death is still a liminal space. You've lost your body and all the good (and bad that comes with that). In prison or paradise, you're stuck until the resurrection. Unable to fully move forward.

Liminal spaces are in liminal spaces. I've existed in liminality for 10 years, mostly but not entirely as a consequence of my choices. I could have tried harder to advance, to cross the threshold, but maybe I've been too comfortable. Maybe it simply wasn't time yet. So I've waited, I don't know for what. And waited. Stood around and waited more. Looked the threshold in the eye and then turned around (and what a good thing that was!). Waited more. Watched others cross, some quickly and some slower. Some had been there before me, some long after. Waiting and watching and waiting and watching and waiting but never crossing and rarely making movement to. Almost more a guard than a participant (or a prisoner?)

Putting all that aside, thinking about this earlier inspired a new song. i stared across the liminoid abyss but made no eye contact. I was thinking about this idea about life being a liminal space but also being full of liminal spaces. More specifically, I was thinking about thresholds we choose to cross (or not). Train stations are sort of the prototypical liminal space (and give more choice than an airport) so I decided to use waiting for a train as a metaphor here. Or more specifically, tell the story of someone waiting for a train but being unsure if they wanted to get on it. Wrote the lyrics pretty quickly and they sounded sort of morbid so I decided to give the song a ridiculously emo title (which of course has meaning on multiple levels). Of course, I had to sample "mind the gap" because it's an iconic subway feature but also because a liminal space is literally a gap and the song is about someone minding that gap, instead of crossing it.

At first I was unsure if I wanted to include this on Fishing for Birds or leave it for Doctrines of Annihilation. Doctrines of Annihilation is meant to be an album about (among other things) depression after all. But it's also about salvation and healing which isn't really whats going on in this song. Fishing for Birds doesn't have an explicit theme but looking back at the songs that have made it on, it does have this underlying idea of growing up, of moving on, of change and how some people change faster than others (and some don't change at all). In a way, the whole album is about liminality. So this song makes a lot of sense for it after all. And at this point, I really just need to finish two more songs to call it done, which is nice.

Thursday, November 25, 2021

Introducing the Yole-Chort [Cxernian] languages

 So I've been meaning to do a language family for a while and finally got around to sketching it out. Originally I wanted to do a proto-lang as it truly should be: constructed from the daughter languages. Well that proved unfeasible, so instead my current strategy is thinking of a word in a daughter language and then working backward. Not as cool, but a lot easier. I am going to try to keep the proto-lang fairly unspecified though. As far as world building is concerned, this family is the dominant language on the west continent, which goes from about the equator to quite south. There's other families there (and plenty of substrate influence) but it's still by far the largest. Anyway, some history.

Kikxotian explorers first encountered Cxernian speakers on the islands that stretch between the Moon People's home and the western continent. Eventually after reaching the main continent itself, some clever people started to notice minor similarities between the languages of the islands (the so called Yolean languages) and the languages the dominated the coast. More exploration eventually uncovered more language with similarities. After deciding that Proto-Viggo-Viggo wasn't a very informative name, they decided to name the family after the word for "person" in two of the languages, hence Yole from the language of Greater Rock Island (one of the Far Island languages and the first encountered by Kikxotian explorers) and Chort from Central Plateau Mountain Valley (the largest of the languages spoken in the mountains). Cxern (possibly [cχʷərn] but the actual pronunciation of X is unknown) is the reconstructed word for "person" in their reconstructed ancestor, hence the other name for the family, the Cxernian languages.

Proto-Yole-Chort was likely spoken some 6 to 7 thousand years before present in the mountains central to the continent. This placement is based on some of the reconstructed words, its location in the middle of the current spread, and because the greatest diversity is still found in that region. It's thought that the Cxernian languages spread with the invention of agriculture, especially the sweet potato. Some reconstructed words relating to this location and time period include *adiH "sweet potato" (seen in GRI as tete, in CPMV as adha and in Imperial Great Delta as arè), *QuSayaG "mountain peak" (GRI kwena "heaven", CPMV ahuśā "high holy place", IGD kohě "mountain") and *kelun "terrace, garden plot" (GRI hulo "earthworks", CPMV ūt "garden", IGD klung "paddy"). They likely had domesticated yaks or some other beast of burden before the family broke up based on words like *muNis "beast of burden" (reflexes include GRI mulisa "trade boat", CPMV amume "yak", IGD pùnê "water buffalo").

The internal classification of the Cxernian languages is not well understood. It's hypothesized that there's between 4 and 8 primary branches. The Badlands and Forest languages are well accepted as forming a Western Branch, and the Upriver and Delta languages are often (but controversially) linked together in an Eastern branch on basis of the treatment of *Q as /k/, and some lexical similarities (the Island family is occasionally placed here as well, and sometimes even as a branch of the Delta languages). The Mountain Valley languages are traditionally treated as their own branch. The so called Jungle Farmer and Jungle Hunter languages are often linked together but the evidence is lacking despite their close proximity (it's mainly typological as the so-called jungle languages are much more dependent marking than most Cxernian languages). Finally, the poorly attested Hill languages (known mostly as an ancient substrate of West Mountain Valley languages and as a small remnant dialect cluster deep in the mountains) are conventionally treated as part of the Western branch but it may actually be it's own primary branch or better treated as coordinate with Proto-Western instead of a daughter. 

The subbranches of the primary branches are better understood. There's well over 30 surviving branches today, many of which have time depths of over 2000 years (and thus are comparable to Romance or Germanic languages in diversity). There's also many dead, but influential branches such as the so called "Old Raiders" language which left its loans and influence across the western part of the continent 2500 years ago (so before the Kikxotian branch of the Western Plains languages separated from its parent!) and most of the Hill branch. A lot of the subbranches seemed to have started diversifying around 2000 years ago, which incidentally is around when the Proto-Kikxotians headed east. Maybe there was some sort of global climate shock which influenced migratory patterns or something.

My current game plan is to define sound changes up to branching points, since I have their spatial and temporal positions well defined and from there create languages as needed. And if there's nowhere a language idea fits, I can just establish a new branch somewhere. Hard parts right now are grammar evolution and making sure I get both family internal and external loans right. There's a lot of other languages on the continent after all and I don't want to have a simple grammar in the protolanguage but I also want a very typologically diverse family, so we'll see what happens. Another issue is deciding what amount of sound change is sufficient for a new branch and over a given time period. By the end, I should have about Indo-European levels of diversity, so a lot. As for storage, I'll probably keep the proto-language's dictionary in a spreadsheet, since that will make tracking the different branches much easier (and in theory I can even automatically apply sound changes). But I think I have a good start.



Monday, November 1, 2021

88 lines about 44 Demons

A little Halloween special, let's learn about some of the demons (omūkaq) and monster the kikxotians believe in. A lot might be presented in more informal ways (only the second part of a reduplication for example, or using back reduplication to represent full reduplication). This isn't meant to represent a specific dialect (though some are regional monsters), it's to fit the semi-poetry of the piece. With all apologies to the Nails

  1. Vcūpa comes out the swamp to play; his stench makes me want to cry
  2. Olūgaw looks mighty nice but her teeth are no lie.
  3. Lālīwl feast till the sun comes up and starve throughout the day
  4. Yyīpu get you what you want, but you'll never be able to pay.
  5. Mrisu has an unnerving smile, with gifts that trap your soul
  6. Gdīku is much simpler, he'll just eat you whole.
  7. Dōkhol īkkabat looks pretty from a distance; but he'll steer you wrong
  8. Jarif cannot be seen, as you flee her mournful song.
  9. Pjūpō nimasat may be dead; you'd never know as you're chased
  10. Āginx āpijpat is a stout old chap; you must flee in haste.
  11. Rokāmr seems mighty harmless, as he sucks you in
  12. Ovūmac won't give you the time, not even when you sin.
  13. Lvutā mwomit is looking for a student, but her advice isn't prudent
  14. Olūvat puthlūt needs a teacher, but he's most impudent.
  15. Fqilu sees without eyes, his nose ensure you can't hide
  16. Wyīúu mkoqit approaches in confidence, a presence you mustn't abide.
  17. Omūlad bōmāshat is another sultry soul, she watches as you sleep
  18. Cuwphīcu is sailors' bane foremost, and drags slow ships into the deep.
  19. Tikat looks like a massive bat, from above he cracks your skull
  20. Zhimar stalks from underground, your bones won't make his teeth dull.
  21. Knupi takes things that are not his, gold is his bread and butter  
  22. Āruyt tībilat prefers your blood a la carte, as it flows into the gutter.
  23. Wixax can't move fast, so the trees are his base
  24. Shotūr will never move at all, yet you must beware his embrace.
  25. Thavdo literally cannot be described, an agony you can't survive
  26. Twuwi seems to be a peaceful field, until your footsteps turn it alive.
  27. Ksuphā is just a shadow, her presence wrecks your mind
  28. Sōfok úyukāt is a sickly light, stare too long to go blind.
  29. Zōtod cpuwāt teaches one thing: not every book is an ally
  30. Awābth must not be trusted, for he's the dark one's spy.
  31. Xsīmu īípachat walks in silence, as he sucks your life
  32. Tbīlu tdocit stays quiet too, but she prefers to use a knife.
  33. Khāpas rxībut is slow and meaty; hunt it and meet your doom
  34. Brumā thāxakhat moves you fast, in her hand your life shall zoom.
  35. Wxurā fōdāíat seeks his court, his words are little snares
  36. Rqīnu āxudcat wants your pity, never trust his wares.
  37. Karol preys on those with heart, your mercy shall be your end
  38. Khāmfukhā prays for those alone, his companionship is pretend.
  39. Fapōmuf has a fearsome sting, the pain will never leave
  40. Laíōpul lies in wait, to feed on those that grieve.
  41. Hnibu hunts in plain sight, his traps are travelers' rests,
  42. Smufā catches those who are tired, you'll wake up as he digests.
  43. Qcilu lives in dark caves, he makes our tunnels fall
  44. Khluzā, cursed be his name; he's the king of them all.

This of course is a small sampling of the demons in their world. Some are pretty normal to our sense of monsters, like the Pjūpō nimasat (lit. running corpse) which is basically just a revenant or the Omūlad bōmāshat (forbidden beauty) which is a classic ghost lady like a kuntilanak. Others aren't so much monsters in the way we think of them so much as archetypes of corrupted people, like the Hnibu (so-called builder) who kills people in collapsing buildings, the Āginx āpijpat (killing grinder) who is basically just a serial killer who disposes of the bodies by turning them into flour or the Ovūmac (self-centered person), an eerily beautiful spirit who encourages you to give up everything for nothing in return. Some are very animalistic like the bat-like Tikat (thing which descend from the sky) or the stinging bug Fapōmuf (great wasp). Some are actually more like cursed objects like Zōtod cpuwāt (devouring ink/the devil's ink) which grant wishes at the cost of your life or Rokāmr (great heap) which is a pile of stuff that eats people. And then there's the eldritch ones, like the Thavdo (flattening) which somehow forces people into 2-dimensions, the Twuwi (so called snowfield), which is a field of snow that eats people, or the Ksuphā (thing that makes others uncomfortable) which is a presence or being that drives people crazy.

Friday, May 29, 2020

Kikxotian Proverb, religion and animals

Just linking to a reddit post I did today with a Kikxotian proverb plus a bunch of talk about how animals work.

https://www.reddit.com/r/conlangs/comments/gss3ra/aphorisms_proverbs_and_sayings_22/fs7yzl7/

I'll paste it here too

Toúījāb Kīkxot - Hard mode
Ōmūfakh vit ayyōp phophalgīí ūkītos ūmpa mōnak gaxitpa
[oːmuːħǝk' ʕɪ θǝhoː p'ɔp'ǝlgiː juːxiːθɔ suːmpǝ moːnǝ gːǝʃɪtpǝ]
<ōCūCaC>.MFKh vit <aCCōC>.YYP ~<oCCīC>.Ph<al>GÍ ūkītos ūmpa mōnak <CiCCa>.G<ax>TP
<AGN.IV>apostasy REL <INTRS.II>.night  HAB~<TRNS.II><AGEN>.see two.times CONJ.SS NEG <TRNS.IV><PSS>.blessing
"A silent apostate sees twice and isn't rewarded"

First to explain the proverb. I took the original one to mean that you should focus on one thing at a time lest you complete neither. Well, I admit I twisted that a bit to fit better with Kikxotian society. The essential cultural (and linguistic) details are as follows:

Kikxotian religion is centered on worship of Kikxo. Kīkxo [kiːkʃɔ] is the great protector and anyone who serves him will be protected from evil. The opposite of Kikxo is Khluzā [k'lʊtʃaː] "The Envious One" (or one of his many other names). Khluza is jealous of Kikxo and wants to destroy everything Kikxo has out of spite. Kikxo is more than powerful enough to protect his followers but this is costly and he won't protect someone who doesn't appreciate it. Khluza doesn't protect his followers (why would they need protection? He is the source of evil) but he does "reward" them in this life with the things he has power over. He gives no protection in the afterlife though.

There are many types of followers of Khluza. The word used here literally means apostate, as in someone who rejects Kikxo. Apostates are a type of ōmūkaqzō [oːmuːxǝq'tʃoː], "demon person, follower of Khluza" (the other two main groups there are heretics (ōqūúab [oːq'uːwǝb]), and blasphemers (ōbūvaj [oːvuːʕǝdz])). Ayyōp literally means "to move silently" and has specific reference to night and shadows, which are seen as evil times. In this phrasing, it basically means crypto-, so the final phrase could be translated as "crypto-apostate". While a crypto-apostate's heart might be in the right place (well wrong place but you get what I mean), just silently rejecting Kikxo is not sufficient for Khluza to reward you, since you aren't really undermining anything with your action. It's like slacktivism, but worse.

Ophgīí is a transitive verb. There's no object but it is implied. Since ōmūfakh refers to a human, the phrase should use pihma [pɪʔmǝ]. Using the word which refers to the things an animal sees is a derisive remark, though fitting with the rest of the proverb. The lack of at the end of ōmūfakh makes this even more degrading. Here, the phrasing can basically be interpreted as "someone who is looking in two directions".

Putting all these together, the phrasing basically means "someone who half asses two things gets nothing", which I think gets close enough to the original proverb. Though you could also interpret it as "If you're gonna be bad, be evil" which is not a very wholesome proverb at all.

Now for the questions. Animals are specifically the domain of two (of the four) "clans" in the broader food-producer caste. The herders (wyīúu [ɹiːwʊ] are in charge of taking care of domestic animals, while the hunters (rxību [rǝʃiːvʊ]) deal with wild animals and animal processing. Small scale farmers often have animals like oxen (cōmum [tsoːmʊm]) and horses (kōduh [koːðʊʔ]) that they keep themselves. It's not uncommon to keep ferrets (sōtum [soːθʊm]) or cats (zhōluq [tʃ'oːlʊq']) as mousers. Dogs (rōxub [roːʃʊb]) are also fairly common in rural settings among all groups of people. Otherwise, people outside of those clans don't interact with animals much.

Some animals are quite respected in the culture. Of special note are the bear (gōduk [goːðʊk]), sheep (kōkub [koːxʊb]), and honeybee (dōsur [doːsʊr]), each of which gives their name to one of the broader castes (which can best be thought of as "nobles", "peasants" and "tradesmen" respectively). Some animals like yōyup [hoːhʊp] (flying night creatures, eg. owls and bats) and snakes (wōluf [ɹoːlʊħ]) are feared. In the foothills, seeing a kherū [k'erʷ] ("a kind of eagle", this is a loan from a local language and is given in the mountain dialect) is considered good luck. Similarly, islanders are fond of parakeets (raíīd [rǝjiːd], also a loan word given in dialect). In general, Kikxotians like seeing birds (kōzur [koːtʃʊr]) and they don't consider owls to be birds.

As for nature, the Kikxotians aren't very environmentally conscious. Forests are respected but the average person doesn't enter them, rivers are polluted and marshes are deliberately filled in (marshes are considered bad in their religion). In general, people stick to villages, towns and cultivated fields unless their clan dictates otherwise. The hunter clan is actually considered very suspicious because their duty requires that they spend lots of time in the wilderness. That being said, because of their dislike of the wilderness, Kikxotians are very good and transforming land into something more palatable. This has the double effect (seen as good in their eyes) of disrupting "traditional" structures in their colonies (ātufr [aːθʊħǝr]), making it easier to bring Kikxo's word to new, captive audiences.


While I'm here, I should probably mention the animal name patterns. Basically, sometime between ~2500 years ago (when TbKt broke off from its closest relatives to the west) and ~1500 years ago (when its first literary tradition started), there was a massive shift in animal words. Many animal words, including some of the most common ones, were replaced with epithets. They were attached to various verbs and could basically be translated as "the X one". For example, rōxub is clearly related to rxību, so whatever the old word for dog was, it got replaced with "the hunting one".

Other animal words kept their general form but were forced into the new pattern (which was probably a bit more recent and in line with other analogical levelings that occurred in the early literary era). Kōduh appears to be one of these nouns. Loanwords for animals followed this pattern as well, being turned more or less into a root and then converted to fit. Shōbum [s'oːvʊm] "fish" seems to be a case of this. As inland pastoralists, either didn't have a strong connection to their original word for fish or they loaned one from the original inhabitants of their land to refer to a certain type of fish that then generalized to all fish.

After (or probably during) all this analogy, new verbs started to be coined off the animals. As such, many of the verbs in this class are quite specific and do provide reminders to all Kikxotians about animals, even if they don't interact with them much.



Saturday, May 16, 2020

Kikxotian Castes

So I've been sitting on this one for a while (my notes for this are almost 5 years old at this point!) but I've also been reading a lot about worldwide caste systems which inspired me to finish this.

One notable part of Kikxotian culture is its quite complex caste system, or tkuba. There are 14 different exogamous clans (nphuva) which roughly fall into three mostly endogamous castes/levels, called kkubī (literally constellation). The Tkuba is very closely linked with Kikxotian religion, including its mysteries, and has a complex symbolism, marriage rites, taboos, and duties attached to it. Each clan is more linked to a broad set of occupations, though individual occupations are usually inherited as well.  Table 1 acts as an English language introduction to some of these symbols.

Table 1: The Tkuba
Body Male Female Kkubī
Soul Rulers Priests Bear
Head Warriors Scribes
Stomach Hunters Herders Sheep
Groin Fishers Farmers
Arms Gatherers Craftsmen Bee
Feet Processors Builders
Heart Merchants Artists

As can be seen, each kkubī is associated with a certain animal, while two nphuva each are associated with a given body part. Each nphuva is also associated with a gender, which is mostly relevant in marriage taboos. As such, it makes sense to talk about those next.

People may only marry within their kkubīthough this taboo is much weaker in the lower two strata. Furthermore, you may not marry someone from your father's clan or your mother's clan. Finally, you must marry someone from a clan of the opposite gender class. Thus in practice, someone born in the highest caste will know from birth their future spouse's clan. This also means that political marriages are rarely happen in the most direct way, with one prince (mīhlo) marrying his children to the children of another mīhlo to form an alliance.The gender class marriage taboo is by far the strongest of all the marriage taboos and intimately tied with Kikxotian mystery rites. While that really is for another post, the short explanation is that each clan is associated with a house god (shīyto) and marriage is seen as a symbolic linkage of protection between those shīyto. Thus, since someone is already under the protection of their parents' respective shīyto, it makes no sense to marry into the protection you already have and the shīyto only link with a shīyto of the opposite sex.

On an outside anthropological note, exogamy at the clan level is actually might preclude this from being a true caste system. On a broader note though, the religion itself is endogamous and all converts are adopted into a nphuva.  

Adoption is probably the next major topic to cover. Inclusion in a nphuva is usually passed down patrilinerally. The main exception is if the father is adopted into his wife's nphuva for the purpose of following his father-in-law's occupation (though just as a wife stays with her clan formally, he stays in his). Then all their children are part of the mother's nphuva. The next exception is that a matrilineal grandfather can adopt one or more of his grandsons as an inheritor of his occupation, even if the father has his own occupation within his birth nphuva. Then this specific son is in his mother's clan, different from his siblings. 

The other adoptions are generally political or for convenience. Sometimes someone powerful is born in a clan lower than their standing. Other times, they are good at an occupation outside their clan. Sometimes there's just too many or too few people in an occupation and some movement is needed to maintain balance in society. Unlike adoptions related to marriage, the recipient actually changes nphuva. For people who haven't undergone the rituals of the Lōbopāb Kīkxot this doesn't mean to much (mostly a change in customs and dress), but those who have done the rituals will need to redo them. Marriage generally precludes any sort of adoption like this.


In all cases, adoption is a formal process approved by a Wyīúuzō. This is an occupation in the priest clan with the formal rights to prophecy directed toward individuals, including being able to see which shīyto "truly" protects them. This post is not about religion, so I won't go more into the roles of the wyīúuzō at this time.

As for the other symbols, these have to do with ritual tattoos, decorations/imagery in art, and other things of that nature. They do not have a large role in day to day life. Next I will give a brief overview of each clan. This will cover some of the occupations in each clan. Another important note is that while occupations are generally hereditary and people need to do an occupation within their clan, there is no taboo to changing to another occupation within your clan. The taboo (fixed by adoption) only happens when doing jobs outside of the clan.

The Phruyā (rulers) clan contains occupations relating to government. All princes come from this clan, as do the high kings. "Lower" families are in charge or regions, serve as mayors, or in particularly poor cases are simply landowners with no real claim to a territory. As such, members of this clan are found throughout Kikxotian territory. Kikxotian governance is complex and ever changing and not the topic of this article. It suffices to say that a mayor with a sufficient warlord backing could become the high king, as unlikely as it is, and he would be seen as legitimate.

The Srīsu (warriors) clan's main official duty is watching the āwung hākanat in the wōboth. Every settlement, from the smallest village to the great cities, has one of these towers with a signal fire inside. From these towers, the warriors defend their locality and keep peace. Now, all military officers come from this clan, but when there are not enough warriors, soldiers and guards are often drawn. Thus, a small town may only have one or two warrior families. A village without a resident warrior might either try to attract one with money or more likely have their fire kept by a resident given authority to do so from the closest mayor and warrior. Many warriors become mercenaries, especially when conflict between princes is low. Due to their higher status and education, they are often the leaders of mercenary bands, rather than just foot soldiers.

On the female side of the Bear Kkubī, there are the Gīsto (clergy/priests). There are three occupations within this clan. The first are the Bqīyu, or preachers. They lead úōhod, interpret scripture and generally act as community leaders to their followers. The next ones are the aforementioned wyīúuzō. Finally there are Ltīxu, who perform sacrifices and rituals. Unlike the other two clerical occupations, there is almost no lateral entry into the priesthood. You must be born into it (or be adopted in). Similarly, almost no priest leaves to another occupation because there's generally always very high demand for them. This can be very frustrating to the much more numerous bqīyu who often become missionaries or travel long distances trying to make a living.

Then there are the Olūvat (scribes). The primary occupation of the scribes is to be literally that, so many are located in large cities and trading hubs. Some are researchers or follow other scholarly pursuits. While the scribes are known for their literacy, many people in the Bear Kkubī can read and write. It is also common among merchants, some craftsmen, and some artists.

Next comes the Sheep Kkubī. These clans all deal with food production and are often more geographically concentrated than the Bear kkubī, because they are not essential state administration. The first one is the Rxību (hunters). This clan is not only in charge of bringing in meat from the wild, but also act as butchers (including for the shepherds), curers and tanners. In short, they are the ones who turn animals into materials that can be used by others. Many hunters have a close relationship with warriors and often serve (part time or full time) as guards, soldiers, and mercenaries, though hunters are often jealous of the higher status that warriors have. The hunters are often seen as the most mysterious and aloof clan by the others, due to the long time they spend in the wilderness, emphasis on combat. Non-butcher hunters are rare in cities and often subject to abuse and suspicion. In turn, many crime rings are allegedly run by hunters. Slavers also often come from the hunter clan.

Compared to the hunters, the Shbīmu (fishers) are a relatively beloved clan. Beyond extracting resources from the sea and rivers, fishers are sailors, delivering goods down the river and across the bay. As sailors, many are also pirates, especially in times of instability. Pearl divers and trepangers form one of the more closed off occupations, mostly due to geographic and skill constraints.

The Wyīúu (herders), not to be confused with the clerical occupation, take care of animals. The richer ones own their own herds. Others care for the herds of others. There isn't much more to say about them, really. While they do not do butchering, they do milk animals and create milk products. They have close connections with almost all clans that might have stables, though in more individual circumstances, people of all clans take care of their own kōduh. Farmers also plow fields with their own cōmum though large landholders with many oxen will probably hire a herder to take care of them.

The last of the Sheep Kkubī is the Ānīvs (farmers). These are the people who grown plants from the ground. Pretty straightforward. Some of them own their own land, others don't. Some tend the gardens of merchant and princes in cities (though that's more likely to be a slave). Some have enough land to hire other farmers or slaves to work for them. Outside of growing food, the farmer clan is responsible for some processing and storage. However some other types of processing are more commonly done by other groups.

The Bee Kkubī represents a diverse set of clans. The first is the Cxīlu (gatherers). This encompasses anyone who gathers materials from the natural environment for processing. The biggest group of these are the miners and lumberjacks. In some cases, these people act more as foremen of operations, leading teams of slaves and poorer gatherers.

The next are the Shtuzā (processors, literally those who make things become something else). This clan contains all the specialists that turn resources into something more usable, but do not make final products. The foremost occupation in here are the millers, who process plants into more edible things. Brickmakers are here as well. In fact many odds and ends type occupations are in this clan, especially when they aren't focused on a final product.

The last male clan is the Rqīnu (merchants). This clan encompasses all middlemen and people in charge of bringing goods and services from one place to another. Many are travelers (and the role of caravans in Kikxotian society merits its own post) with close connections to the warriors, fishers and hunter clans.  It is important to emphasize that there is no dishonor when people from other clans engage in trade. However, the only clan allowed to do it full time without dishonor are the merchants and they are the only people who routinely travel great distances for trade. Another occupation within this clan are the moneylenders. Finally, while tax collecting can be done by anyone, this appointment is dominated by hereditary tax collecting families from the merchant clan. While traditionally not a highly respected clan, they are wealthy and strong in contemporary Kikxotian society, which is heavily reliant on trade. One major class struggle is the inability for rich merchants to marry their children into the Bear Kkubī, though sacrifices and gifts sometimes sway wyīúuzō into "seeing" and approving merchants' children's adoption into those clans.

The first female bee clan are the Qsurā (craftsmen, lit. shapers). This encompasses all occupations related to creating finished goods. Some of the notable jobs are smiths, leatherworkers, potters, weavers, bakers, and brewers. This does note include joiners/carpenters/coopers or masons. A note about food production: there is no shame in cooking for oneself or family. This includes baking and brewing. Many, if not most cooks in rich households are slaves. The cooks occupations are fairly small and specialists. But they do fall in here.

The next female bee clan is the Hnību (builders). Other than the day laborers that physically erect buildings (mixed in with slaves, of course), this includes architects, carpenters, shipwrights, (civil) engineers, and masons. Basically if the craftsmen make small items, the builders make big items (well buildings and vehicles).

The final clan is the Simat (dancers, covers all artist types). These are the traveling minstrels, actors, dancers, griots, poets and other such artistic occupations that aren't tied to making something physical. They're one of the most looked down upon clans. Almost all simat are nomads and their well known for their taboo against sea products. Despite the general mistrust people have in them, they often serve as spies (or at least sources of information) for princes. In fact, restricting the movement of a simatzō is considered highly taboo, even in times of war. Custom provides that they must always be allowed to move, because stopping their "dance" is an attack on their duty.

I'll finish off by discussing some harder to place occupations, followed by some patterns and symbols. I will then end with a brief discussion on the societal implications of the caste system. Medical occupations are spread out through different clans, depending on the role. 'Spiritual' doctors come from the clergy, while physician-surgeons are scribes. Finally, apothecaries come from the craftsmen clan. Midwives can belong to any clan. Sorcerers (qlusāzō) do not below to any clan, as it is a taboo occupation. This is true of other taboo occupations as well.

As can be seen, male clans are more associated with destruction, with gathering and with movement, while female clans are more about creation. Male is seen as external and female internal. While really the discussion for another article, this aligns with traditional gender roles in kikxotian society. Other symbolism can be seen with the animals. Bears are a symbol of power and the verb agdōk "to be noble" comes from the same root as gōduk "bear". Sheep, as bearers of wool, meat and milk, are a completely understandable symbol for the clans that are dedicated to food production. Finally, bees are seen as productive workers who work together to create good things. This fits well with the different non-food producers and creators, who are constantly working together to different things. As such, while the scale of each constellation is different, they are all very respectable.

Finally, a bit of sociology. The caste system both causes and solves problems for the Kikxotians. The fact is that many broader tasks require input from different clans working together in close quarters. Even a small village requires at least farmers, leaders, and warriors together, plus probably some extractors and craftsmen, maybe some priests, in comes a merchant, so on and so forth. Thus, there even though there are strong status differences between, the caste system actually makes people earn some respect from their peers (hopefully). At the same time though, it does hold those same hierarchies in place. Exogamy and a way to change castes also helps with keeping peace in society. In the first case, it furthers the bonds across clans rather than creating competition. The other case allows for fluidity to face demographic problems and (to some degree) gaps between wealth and status. Speaking of demographics, is suffices to say that the bear clans are much smaller than the others and that this is some variation in size between the different clans. They also are definitely not equally spread out geographically. A final thing to mention is that the omnipresence of kikxotian religion helps legitimize the caste system, while the system helps the religion remain omnipresent in their society. It is hard to say which came first and the most likely answer in that they coevolved. Even more liberal sects do not touch the caste system very much.



Thursday, April 13, 2017

Duty among Kīkxo's People

Time for something different!  Well sort of.  It's still conworlding, just not conlanging as it may be. Having a robust culture is an important part of creating a language. It provides the background to make things happen.

As I think I've mentioned before, religion plays a very important role in the daily lives on the Úīkmo Kīkxot (Actually that's where I got the idea for this lang in the first place). They even call themselves "Kikxo's people"! Kīkxo, of course is their main God. This posting is not an exhaustive account of their religion. That needs to be explained over the course of many posts. Instead I'll focus on one aspect: duty.

Today in may world religions class we were discussing Confucianism and the idea of the Junzi. It got me thinking "what would be the ideal person in this society?" Well, it probably would be broader than Junzi. In fact, I think it would be a lot more like the Hindu idea of dharma, obedience towards one's individual place in life.

Within this culture, people have three main duties: 1) To improve themselves; 2) To serve God; and 3) To advance society. The perfect person (úīkmo ikkuxat; gōtāpzō ikkuxat; kikxī are all common names used to describe such a person with kixkī having a very similar connotation to buddha or saint and often used as an honorific) has found balance in all three aspects, and while s/he shouldn't be worshiped, should definitely be emulated. However, none of three things mean exactly what we might think as westerners, and all three are very interconnected.

People improve themselves by learning about Kīkxo. The culmination of this is by going through all the rites in the Lōbopāb Kīkxot (lit "House of God", more normally "temple") and becoming a: possessor of the true knowledge of the Shīyto; a defender against evil; and receiving the promise of Resurrection from Kīkxo. So self improvement in this context has to do with progress through the religion more than self-improvement in a secular sense.

People serve God by keeping his commandments, both generally and caste specific. Proper sacrifices, being the best of your role you can be, taking care of the priest caste and the like are all ways in which people serve Kīkxo.

Advancing society basically means spreading the religion of Kīkxo, engaging in war with evil, serving others, and treating others well. But mostly spreading the religion. Asceticism, or rather hermitism, is seen as contrary to advancing society. In fact, the more close society is, the more advanced it is seen.

Therefore a kikxī is not just very good at whatever s/he is supposed to do, but also active in their community. A kikxī is altruistic, helpful, humble and open. A kikxī is obedient in all things. A kikxī from one caste would be quite different than a kikxī from another caste. It's not exactly what we would think of as a holy man, and that's why I think it converges quite a bit with the concept of Junzi, as I understand it, at least

Also, this took me two and a half months to write (it's 6/30 now).  I'm terrible but will hopefully start updating this blog more again

Monday, February 20, 2017

Slavery among the People of Kikxo: A President's Day Special

I'm doing this instead of homework because I can't focus on homework right now because my face is numb.  Silly dentist fixing my teeth.

I wanted to do a whole big article on the political system of the úīkmo Kīkxot, but I do have plenty of homework to do and really am not feeling up to it.  So I'll talk about something more minor but still president's day related: slavery.

The úīkmo Kīkxot are, if nothing else, xenophobic. Not necessarily in the "hatred of foreigners" way so much as the "hatred of strangers" way. You can figure out the difference for yourself. And they do love their slavery. They take from whoever sells and from the people they conqueror. Their religion proscribes only one rule: No follower of Kīkxo may enslave fellow travelers. The different sects interpret this in very different ways, with an extreme few saying that forbids all slavery all the way to the sects that think that means even enslaving members of other sects is okay. But for most people, it means non-followers of Kikxot are fair game.

Most people do not own slaves but those that do use them for a variety of tasks. Agriculture, manufacturing, running a household, teaching and whatever else. Slaves can even have fairly high status, personal wealth and other things that we wouldn't associate with slaves in our culture. They are (in theory) to be cared for and protected, sometimes even like a family member. But they are not free (whatever that means) and ultimately report and execute the will of their owners.

Slavery is a highly valued and protected institution among the Úīkmo Kīkxot, which may be hard to understand for a westerner. It stems from their religious beliefs ultimately. To them, Kīkxo is the ultimate protector in the fight between Good and Evil. One who worships and submits to Kīkxo is accepting his protection. When a follower of Kīkxo enslaves someone, Kīkxo's protection extends over that slave. To the followers of Kīkxo, slavery is a means of extending Kīkxo's good will and love to the ignorant savages who refuse to accept it on their own. To the followers of Kīkxo it is inhumane to free slaves and release them from the protection Kīkxo offers them. It is the evil one who tells slaves they want to be free, that deludes people into wanting to free slaves. Now of course, in theory if a slave converts to Kīkxo, they should be freed, though many slaveowners, reasonably fearing it is simply a deception to seek freedom and betray Kīkxo and the forces of good, do not accept such conversions. At least, that's what their reasoning is.

Theologians and scribes often debate the role that slavery plays in spreading the truth to other lands ("Are our neighbors converting just to avoid slave raids? Should such deceitful traitors be enslaved to teach them a lesson?" or "Are we really only spreading the religion as an excuse to expand and take more slaves?" Things like that) they almost always agree that it is a good thing and an essential part civilized life.

Happy Presidents Day